Freedom or death
The non-violent struggle of Father Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly for religious and political freedom in Vietnam
“In December 2000 Nguyen Van Ly
hangs up the slogan Religious freedom or death
on the tower of the parish church in Nguyet Bieu.
Many criticized him for his political commitment.
But when I look back on it now,
I humbly conclude that Van Ly
has found the solution
for the fundamental question
of the survival of the Vietnamese people.”
Franciscan Nguyen Ngoc Tihn, January 5, 2010
Contents
Prologue: Iron fist
1. Vietnam as a Chinese and French colony (until 1945)
2. First Indochina War culminates in armed peace (1946-1964)
3. The United States lose the Second Indochina War (1965-75)
4. Society based on communism (1975-78)
5. Vietnam on the brink of disaster (1979-1986)
6. Free market economy knows a difficult start (1986-1997)
7. Tougher approach leads to economic success (1997-2004)
8. Continue to non-violently fight for freedom (2005-2007)
9. People's Church takes the helm (2008-2012)
10. Freedom or death
11. Bibliography
Prologue – Iron fist
The visit to Vietnam of the American president, Bill Clinton, from 16 to 18 November 2000, a quarter century after the end of the Second Indochina War, has normalized the trade relations between the two countries. Helen Ngo Thi Hien, the chairwoman of the American Committee for Religious Freedom, accompanied Clinton in Vietnam. She met with the dissident catholic priest Nguyen Van Ly in his parish An Truyen. Since Van Ly was placed under house arrest and could not speak freely, Helen Ngo handed a list with thirty questions to his nephew, Nguyen Vu Viet, who was then 27 years old. Furthermore, she asked for some childhood photos of Van Ly with a view to the publication of a book. Vu Viet replied to the questions in three e-mails. In these mails he described among other things how Van Ly had fooled the communists regarding an election for the council of bishops. But the Vietnamese military secret service TC2 intercepted the e-mail traffic and accused Vu Viet of engaging in propaganda and distorting the religious policy of the Party and the government.
His sister, Nguyen Thi Hoa, a 44 year old widow who has four children, was also interrogated because of a too critical interview she had given about the religious situation in Vietnam to Que Hong, a Vietnamese language radio station based in California. His older brother, the 36 year old Nguyen Truc Cuong, was also targeted. He had received money to buy a mobile phone and a tomb stone for Tran Thi Kink, their deceased grandmother, and the mother of Nguyen Van Ly.
Seven months later, in June 2001, one month after the fifteen year prison sentence of Van Ly, his two nephews and his niece were arrested. All the communications by e-mail, telephone and fax were described in minute detail in the long charge sheet of the Supreme People’s Procuracy of Hanoi. The human rights organization Amnesty International denounced the investigative methods of the secret service TC2 as a violation of the Vietnamese law regarding privacy. Amnesty International believes that illegal e-mail traffic and internet messages were intercepted and telephone conversations were recorded.
In application of article 80 of the Criminal Code Vu Viet, Truc Cuong and Thi Hoa were accused of espionage because of gathering information for use by foreign countries against the Vietnamese Republic. The espionage charge can carry the death penalty. The state considers the American Committee for Religious Freedom as well as Radio Que Hong as reactionary organizations because they promote freedom and respect for human rights in Vietnam. However under international pressure the case was put on the back burner. Amnesty International argues that they are wrongly accused of espionage since their activities are regarded as perfectly legal under international law and in most countries: “The very serious nature of the charge of espionage is a misuse of the notion ‘national security’ to stifle the fundamental rights of freedom of expression.” Amnesty demanded the immediate and unconditional release of the three prisoners.
Sixteen months later, on 24 October 2002, when the lawsuit was reinitiated by the Supreme People’s Procuracy of the capital city, the court case was postponed again. Almost one year later, on 10 September 2003, the three accused finally faced the court. They were no longer accused of espionage, but of “abusing the democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the State” in accordance with article 258 (2) of the Criminal Code. Changing the charges during the court procedure has never happened in Vietnamese jurisdiction. During a closed session of three hours Vu Viet and Truc Cuong were sentenced respectively to five and four years prison and their sister Thi Hoa to three years. On 28 November 2003 the Supreme People’s Court of Hanoi reduced the sentence of the two brothers to 32 months and Thi Hoa’s sentence to four months and six days. She and her brothers were allowed to go home. Both of them had been in detention on remand for more than two and a half years, while their sister had been placed under house arrest during this time.
This decision of the Supreme People’s Court shows the iron fist of the regime. By mitigating the sentence on appeal, the government kills two birds with one stone. On the one hand it pleases the hardliners within the communist party. On the other hand the wind is taken out of the sails of the critics by conveying the impression of making concessions.
Moreover the iron fist is a common issue in the history of Vietnam. This harsh policy was already widely used in any resistance to the Chinese occupation, the French colonialists, the communist regime in North Vietnam after 1954 and by the United States-backed South Vietnamese government
1. Vietnam as a Chinese and French colony (until 1945)
The Indochina peninsula contains four countries: Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and on the eastern side the narrow S-shaped Vietnam with a coastline of 2,500 km on the South-China Sea. As suggested by its name, throughout human history Indochina is caught between the sphere of influence of two civilizations: the Indian and the Chinese. The history of these four countries is closely intertwined.
Geographical and ethnic diversity
85 % of the almost ninety million Vietnamese live in the delta of the Song Koi or Red River in the north and the Mekong in the south. Here are the main cities: the capital Hanoi in the north and Ho Chi Minh City, the former Saigon, in the south. The central highland, with mountains up to two thousand meter and narrow coastlines cut across the distance of 1,700 km between both cities. The higher areas are covered with tropical rainforest. The Red River delta in the north of the country is surrounded on three sides by the northern highlands with peaks up to three thousand meters.
The major part of Vietnam has a tropical climate. During the annual monsoon, or the rainy season, the Red River delta is swept by northerly winds that generate a cool climate from December till March. In the central coast area hurricanes can hit hard, while the south eastern coast mainly struggles with drought.
The ethnic Viet who constitute ninety percent of the population, have supplanted the original inhabitants in the course of the centuries. Vietnam currently has 54 recognized ethnic minorities. The Khmer, de Cham and the Hoa or ethnic Chinese live in the Mekong delta. The French colonizers called the Degar or the tribes in the central and northern highlands Montagnards. They are among the oldest original inhabitants of Southeast Asia and remain faithful to their habits, religion, language, culture and costumes. But due to extreme poverty their number has dwindled from 3.5 million in the early 19th century to nearly 800,000 to one million today. The main tribes in the Central Highlands are the Bahnar, the Jarai and the Bru. In the northern highlands live the Thai, the second largest ethnic minority. Based on the colour of their clothing they are divided into the Black, White and Red Thai.
Animism and ancestor worship
Especially in rural areas, where a large majority of the population still lives, animism is widespread. Most Vietnamese believe in the existence of good and evil spirits who wander in and around houses, trees, plants, rocks, mountains and rivers. These same spirits control the forces of nature such as thunder. To propitiate them offerings and rituals take place in small temples. According to tradition, every man carries in himself two groups of spirits: the phach or the via who accompany man from birth to death, and the spiritual substance of the three hon who leaves the body at death.
Furthermore, the ancestor worship has deep roots. Every individual is a link in the family chain. Not only the living, but also the ancestors and those yet to be born are links in the chain. Families live under the same roof, work together and share everything.
The tablets of the deceased contain their name and picture and go back at least three generations. They are worshipped on the altar in the parental home or on the ground of the ancestors. In the belief that the spirits of the dead affect our daily lives, they are propitiated by the offering of incense, fruit and flowers. In traditional Vietnamese society marriages are primarily social contracts between families with an important role set aside for mediators. Furthermore, polygamy and concubines are very common.
In commemoration of the date of death of an ancestor a rite takes place. The size of the offerings depends on the economic situation and his rank within the family. Through offerings the ancestors are also informed about the joyful and the sad events such as a wedding, a birthday, success in an exam, a promotion or a death. The highlight of ancestor worship is Tet Nguyen Dan or the Festival of the First Day, late January or early February. This celebration marks both the beginning of the new lunar year as spring. For Westerners Tet is associated with all the following feasts: New Year, Christmas, Easter, All Souls as well as carnival. First the spirits of the dead are propitiated by decorating the houses and cleaning the family graves. During the feast prayers, the offering of symbolic gifts and the burning of incense invite the ancestors in the family circle. Following the peace wish the children offer their wishes and receive presents from the older family members. They wish their children a long life full of happiness and prosperity. At midnight, at the transition from the old to the new year, in front of the altar of the ancestors, the family gives thanks to the heavens and to their ancestors for the life that is given to them. The bountiful feast is concluded by eating the banh day and banh chung, a round and a square rice cake, on a beautifully decorated table. They symbolize respectively the heavens and the earth, or the combination of the spiritual and secular dimensions of life. Furthermore, Tet is also an exuberant festival with music, dancing, singing, games and processions. This includes fireworks because according to legend, the evil spirits flee for the popping sounds. The Day of the Lost Souls in August, the second important feast in Vietnam, is also a form of ancestor worship. In the belief that the spirits of the dead leave hell that day and wander the earth, food and gifts are offered.
In addition to the family, the village plays an important role in Vietnam as a link in the larger community. Villagers are in some degree relatives. They help each other and share what they have. Many villages worship their guardian spirit in the temple of Dinh. That may be a historical person, the mythological first Vietnamese king Lac Long, and his wife Au Co, or nature gods like the mountain spirit Than Nui and the water spirit Than Thuy. The temple is also used as a town hall and as a place for meetings and ceremonies.
Three religions
Historically, Vietnam lies at the intersection of three religious currents with a philosophical, mystical and ethical impact. These are, respectively, Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. A large majority of the population is Buddhist. According to the doctrine of Siddhartha Gautama or Buddha, life is a synonym of suffering because illness, old age and death are an integral part of it. The cause of suffering is desire. Only those who can detach themselves from any desire can reach the blissful state of nirvana. The dominant movement of Mahayana Buddhism or the Great Vehicle in Vietnam is based on the universal salvation of all people. This means that the laity also can reach nirvana. In the Mekong Delta the ethnic Khmer practice the variant Theravada Buddhism.
From China Taoism has widely spread to Vietnam. The core of this mystical school is the belief in the spontaneous order of nature where the yin and yang are in balance. The feminine yin refers to the moon, winter, darkness, conservatism and passivity. The male counterpart Yang is associated with the sun, summer, light, creativity and dominance. The most important god in the Taoist pantheon is Ngoc Huang and the Jade Emperor. The Confucian doctrine also originates from China. It is built around personal and managerial ethics, based on respect for order, parents and authority. In the 16th century, the Jesuits gave the Latin name Confucius to the scholar Kong Fuzi or Master Kong, who died in the year 497 BC. His moral code of conduct with three thousand rules seeks stable social relationships.
The religious experience in Vietnam is not only deeply embedded in daily life, but also complex because besides animism and ancestor worship, also elements of the Tam Giao or the three religions are intertwined: Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. Confucianism is a standard for the hierarchy in the family and the fulfilment of civil obligations. Taoism defines the concepts of nature and the universe and at funerals many fall back on Buddhist rituals.
Besides, Eastern religious thinking is different from the western concept of religion. From their different backgrounds Orientals speak differently about their faith and they experience it differently. For example, the ancestor cult contains a deep respect for the elderly. And through western spectacles the boundary between faith and superstition is not always sharply delineated.
North-Vietnam becomes a Chinese province
Already for two millennia the shadow of the Chinese empire hung over northern Vietnam due to the presence of the fertile delta of the Red River. General Trieu Da successfully defended the state Au Lac against the expansion-hungry Han Dynasty. But in 111 BC the army of the Chinese Emperor Wu Di defeated his successors. During the centuries of occupation roads, ports, dams, canals and dams for the cultivation of the land were constructed. Military Governors installed a Confucianism-based bureaucracy, the Chinese state ideology. But the conscription of soldiers, the compulsory labour, high taxes and interference in the internal affairs provoked riots. The rebellion of the noble Trung sisters whose husband was killed in the year 39 AD by the Chinese, led to resistance. They preferred suicide over surrender. Also the uprising in the year 248 led by Trieu An, which was suppressed after six months, occupies a prominent place in the history books. The Chinese yoke remained in force under the Tang dynasty which ruled from 618 to 907 AD.
But in the year 939 warlord Ngo Quyen freed northern Vietnam. The dynasty he founded in 968 was substituted by the reign of Dinh Tien Hoang. He assured Vietnamese independence by the annual payment of tribute to the Chinese Song Dynasty. King Ly Thai To, the founder of the Ly dynasty (1009-1225) established Hanoi as his capital. Characteristic of his administration were centralized government, the introduction of a tax system, a code of laws and a professional army. As an absolute monarch his rule was based on a "heavenly mandate" as a mediator between heaven and earth. During this period Buddhism was widely spread. The Tran Dynasty (1225-1400) strengthened the bureaucracy, introduced a land reform and expelled three times between 1257 and 1287 the army of the Mongol emperor Kublai Khan. General Tran Hung Dao applied guerrilla tactics for the first time. His soldiers deserted the cities, avoided direct confrontation with the numerically stronger Mongols, and with their superior knowledge of the terrain they attacked the Mongols’ weak spots, until the Mongols lost the war in the final attack of 1287.
From 1407-1428 Vietnam was again under Chinese rule. The farmers performed forced labour for the Minh Dynasty in the mines and in addition to cutting down rare forests, rare spices cultivated in Vietnam were exclusively destined for China. Besides the heavy-handed introduction of Chinese culture, literature and calligraphy facilitated the issuing of identity cards, control and the collection of taxes.
The peak and decline of the Le Dynasty
The nationalist leader, Le Loi, dispelled the Chinese again with guerrilla tactics, followed by the payment of a tribute to the emperor in order to guarantee independence. Le Loi founded the Le dynasty which controlled the country until 1788. The highlight was the enlightened reign of King Le Thanh Tong from 1460 to 1497. He linked the development of a strong central administration to flexibility at the lower levels. Great attention was paid to the development of education and the protection of citizens against the possible abuse of the mandarins. These mandarins were responsible for the daily administration and were socially highly regarded.
The mandarins were a class of intellectuals because they needed to succeed in the triennial state exam in classical Chinese literature and philosophy. In that period, women received basic rights for the first time. For example, parental consent for marriage was no longer required and daughters got the same inheritance rights as sons. But anyone who threatened order and stability, was severely punished. Le Thanh Tong expanded his empire further south because against the Chinese influence in the north, two kingdoms with their roots in Indian culture dominated in the middle and the south of Vietnam. In 1471 Le Thanh Tong conquered the kingdom of Champa in central Vietnam. The south of the country was part of the mighty Khmer empire whose centre of gravity was situated in Cambodia.
After the climax came the decline. The Le dynasty who between 1497 and 1527 counted ten successive kings steadily lost power and influence. From 1539 two rival clans came to the fore: the Trinh in the north and the Nguyen. They formally recognized the Le kings, but acquired the actual power. In the first phase of the civil war of 1627-1677, the numerically stronger Trinh were no match for the superior Portuguese armament of the Nguyen clan. The latter extended its power further into the Mekong Delta to the detriment of the Khmer Empire. In 1698 Prey Nokor or Saigon was conquered and later a descendant of the Nguyen clan married a Khmer princess. In 1749, the Khmer were completely expelled from the Mekong Delta.
Because of natural conditions and the laws of history the north and south of Vietnam grew apart. In the more prosperous south that was more strongly influenced by Buddhism, the society was more tolerant and culturally diverse under the influence of large minority groups. The majority of the population worked as wage labourers in the fields of landowners. In the poorer north however, cohesive village communities emerged based on cooperative work in function of the management of complex water irrigation systems for rice cultivation and to cope with the annual monsoon rains, storms and hurricanes. In the north, where the Confucian tradition was deeply rooted, the living conditions were harder.
Western trade and missionary settlements
As from the 16th century, expansion-hungry Western European countries showed a growing interest in the region. The mythical oriental richness as described by the Venetian explorer, Marco Polo, who died in 1324, exerted a strong attraction. In 1535 the Portuguese founded a trading post near Faifo, the current Hoi An, and helped the Nguyen clan with the development of a foundry and the production of weapons. Later the Dutch and the French founded settlements.
In 1633 the Annals of the court reported the visit of a Catholic missionary in the delta of the Red River. But the first missionaries probably came ashore much earlier. They came from the Philippines, a Spanish colony, and Portugal, and were on their way to Japan. The first Christian communities were established along the coast and the rivers of the northern region of Tonkin. The believers were mostly poor fishermen and farmers. The Vietnamese leaders followed the activities of the missionaries with suspicion. Sometimes they were persecuted and sometimes tolerated. The most famous missionary, Alexandre de Rhodes, a French Jesuit, learned the language and preached in Vietnamese after his arrival in Hanoi in 1627. Initially the Trinh supported him, but when three years later he had already converted six thousand inhabitants, he was banished. Alexandre de Rhodes wrote the first catechism in Vietnamese and published a Vietnamese-Latin-Portuguese dictionary. He transcribed the quoc ngu or Vietnamese characters into Latin characters.
Tay Son rebellion
After a period of relative peace and prosperity the Tay Son rebellion broke out in 1771. Three brothers from the village of Tay Son in Binh Dinh province massacred the Nguyen clan, with the exception of Nguyen Anh, a nephew of the last ruler. They carried out a land reform and distributed the confiscated possessions of the rich among the poor. In addition to abolishing many taxes, a fair tax system was introduced. After consolidating their power in south and central Vietnam, the three brothers expelled the clan of the Trinh in the north in 1786. Vietnam was reunited again.
Officially they recognized the Le dynasty, but when at the request of the emperor, Le Duy Ky, who still ruled over a small part of the country, the Chinese invaded, they too were defeated. The payment of tribute restored friendly relations with China. Quang Trung, one of Tay Son’s brothers, assumed the imperial title on 22 December 1788 and moved the capital to the centrally situated Phu Xuan, near the city of Hue.
Unification under Anh Nguyen
Following the sudden death of Quang Trung in 1792, Nguyen Anh defeated the Tay Son dynasty. He received military support from the French missionary and bishop, Pierre Pigneau the Behaine, who dreamed of a Christian empire in Asia under French tutelage. Nguyen Anh acquired from Saigon control over the country and crowned himself Emperor Gia Long on May 31, 1802.
The founder of the Nguyen dynasty harshly suppressed all opposition, and, even more so than his predecessors, introduced a Confucian bureaucracy. Sixty days per year, every inhabitant had to perform forced labour for the execution of public works. Women were pushed back in a more subordinate role and in the provincial capitals temples in honour of Confucius were erected. The Chinese characters were now used to write the official language. In Hue, the new capital, a walled citadel was built with a Forbidden City modelled on Beijing which was accessible only to the emperor and his confidants. As Gia Long felt himself indebted to Pigneau the Behaine, who died in 1799, he tolerated the Catholic missionaries and he curtailed Buddhism and Taoism. The crafts flourished, but because of limited trade no middle class emerged. Mandarins ensured the proper functioning of the water mamagement, the construction of roads, the maintaining of domestic peace and the honouring of the rituals, the binding element par excellence. The main ministry was that of Rites.
Furthermore Vietnam aspired to a role in Indochina. The king of Cambodia paid an annual tribute to the emperor. But the attempt by Vietnam to annex the country in 1834, elicited a response by Siam, now Thailand. From 1847, Cambodia was a Vietnamese-Siamese protectorate. Furthermore the king of Laos also paid an annual tribute to the Vietnamese emperor.
Authoritarian empire
The hierarchically organized authoritarian Vietnamese empire based on the "heavenly mandate" of the Emperor, above all ensured stability. In application of the teachings of Confucius, the individual is subordinate to the ruler, the son to the father, the wife to the husband, the younger brother to the elder brother and there is mutual respect among friends.
The mandarins who ran the country were expected to practice the six Confucian virtues: humanity, filial piety, righteousness, propriety, loyalty and mutual respect. Reciprocity or do not do to another person what you do not wish for yourself was the golden rule. Each administrator embodied the traditional values of the tai duc or a combination of talent and virtue.
Out of fear of foreign domination, Emperor Gia Long restrained Western influence as much as possible. He saw with sorrow that from the beginning of the 19th century more and more French merchants, diplomats and marines set foot in Vietnam. Especially the missionaries were cause for concern because of the rapid spread of Catholicism.
In the early 19th century, the three Vietnamese dioceses totaled 320,000 believers. In the south of the country, they enjoyed the protection of influential mandarins and of General Viceroy Le Van Duyet who played a key role in defeating the Tay Son dynasty. But after his death, the religious persecution increased under the xenophobic Emperor Minh Mang (1821-1841). He also curtailed Buddhism and Taoism because they undermined his "heavenly mandate". Following the refusal of the Catholic missionaries in 1825 to relocate to the imperial court in Hue, they were denied access to the country. After the failure of the La Van Khoi revolt in 1833-35 the emperor ordered the arrest of all French and Vietnamese priests.
Genocide against Catholics
The British victory in the Opium War in 1841 opened up the Chinese borders to foreign trade. But also in France pressure was growing for a stronger presence in Asia. The chauvinist Emperor Thieu Tri (1841-1847) who continued the harsh anti-religious policy of his father, hardly gave any consideration to a possible French intervention. In 1843 a French fleet operated in Asian waters. The call for a French intervention became louder because of the genocide of the Vietnamese Catholics,
since during the reign of the emperors Minh Mang and Thieu Tri, an estimated one hundred thousand Catholics were murdered. In some provinces, including Nam Dinh, a systematic persecution took place.
Yet this persecution did not stop the spread of Christianity. The French Societé des Missions Etrangères counted 450.000 Catholics in 1841. And in 1889 there were 650,000 Catholics. That success was amazing because Catholicism is essentially in conflict with the traditional religious sense of the Vietnamese.
And with the exception of the sermon the masses were read in Latin, a language that the people did not understand. The Catholics worship a God who unites all the spirits and gives absolute priority to love. Catholicism exerted no attraction for the elite, but the fishermen and farmers were attracted to it. In addition to the liberation from the yoke of Confucianism and the mandarins, they felt attracted by the authentic religious experience. And the blood of the martyrs was the seed of new vocations. In the parishes was a great feeling of togetherness and familiarity and morally polygamy and divorce were prohibited. In addition, the church was well structured and organized and despite the pure faith Catholicism was integrated in the society. Vietnamese Catholics were Vietnamese first. Only their religious practice distinguished them from their compatriots, which also meant that the line between faith and superstition sometimes remained thin. They still honored the ancestors and celebrated the Tet festival, although many missionaries labeled this as superstitious or barbaric.
In response to the genocide Catholic enclaves emerged in remote areas in the center and in the north of Vietnam. An example is the parish Ba Ngoat in the territory of Ba Binh and Hoa Lac, two villages in the municipality of Ho Xa in the district of Vinh Linh and in Quang Tri province. Here lie the roots of the family of Nguyen Van Ly. Ba Ngoat is part of the deanery Dinh Cat and the Archdiocese of Hue. Because of its location in an area that was notorious for its gangs of robbers the parishioners hoped to escape the persecution by the imperial troops.
Cochinchina becomes a French colony
The arrest of two French missionaries on 15 April 1847 led to a military confrontation in the port city of Tourane, the current Danang. The Vietnamese suffered heavy losses because of the French bombardments. The 18-year-old Emperor Tu Duc, who had ascended the throne on 10 November 1847, realized that France threatened his kingdom. Yet he antagonized the French even more with the publication in 1848 and 1851 of edicts against Catholics.
Now the French emperor, Napoleon III, saw an opportunity to enlarge his empire, in response to the growing British influence in Asia. On August 31, 1858, fourteen boats with 2,500 soldiers conquered the port city of Tourane, but the shallow water prevented the crossing to the capital Hue. That expedition failed due to the fierce resistance of the Vietnamese and because dysentery, scurvy, cholera and fever decimated the French troops. But that was only a reprieve. In 1861, 3,500 French soldiers took Saigon, the main town in southern Vietnam that the French called Cochinchina. They also conquered the adjacent areas after bloody battles.
Pursuant to the Treaty of Saigon of June 5, 1862, France acquired three provinces around Saigon and the island of Poulo Condore. Three ports opened for European trade and French warships were given free access to the Mekong Delta. Moreover, the emperor had to pay compensation to the French for the damages they had suffered. He also had to commit not to cede any part of his territory to any other superpower and to give the missionaries freedom of action. Why the heavy price for peace? After decades of harsh repression the regime of Emperor Tu Duc had lost much popular support. Moreover, he would have lost the war if there were to be further military confrontations with France, especially since he urgently needed his army to fight a Christian-backed rebellion in the northern Bac Bo. Tu Duc succeeded in that objective in 1865. But disaster again hit Vietnam because in that same year, a cholera epidemic claimed a million victims.
In the south of Vietnam Buddhist monks led the opposition against the French who could only maintain their regime through the supply of troops from China and the Philippines. "We had huge difficulties to establish our authority," testified the French Admiral, Louis-Adolphe Bonard. "Gangs of rebels bring the country into turmoil everywhere. They appear from nowhere, destroy everything and disappear again into nothingness. "
French protectorate in Cambodia, Annam and Tonkin
Meanwhile Admiral Pierre de la Grandière forced the King of Cambodia to accept a French protectorate. Siam recognized this in exchange for the annexation of two Cambodian provinces. And in June 1867 followed the annexation of the three western provinces in the south of Vietnam in Cochinchina.
As from 1873 French law was applied in Cochinchina and in 1879 Charles Marie Le Myre the Vilers became the first colonial administrator. However, resistance went on. "We are experiencing an extraordinary resistance from all classes of the population," wrote naval officer Francis Garnier. "Resistance is sometimes violent, sometimes passive, but every day more hateful." Nevertheless, after the conquest of the south of Vietnam, French attention was directed at the northern regions. In 1873, the French under the leadership of Garnier stormed the citadel of Hanoi. On 15 March 1874 Emperor Tu Duc signed the Second Treaty of Saigon. This Treaty recognized French sovereignty over Cochinchina and made the Red River accessible to trade. The French opened consulates in three cities and promised to help the Emperor with the defense of his territory against external attacks. But Garnier’s attempt to take Tonkin failed. He himself was killed and his troops were defeated. In April 1882 the French naval officer Henri Rivière again stormed the citadel of Hanoi, but he also did not succeed.
On 15 May 1883, two days before the death of the childless Emperor Tu Duc, the French parliament approved a budget for an expedition that would impose a French protectorate in Annam in the center, and in Tonkin in northern Vietnam. In Hue the struggle for the throne was still raging, when the French fleet made its appearance at the mouth of the Perfume River. On August 23, 1883, Prince Hiep Hoa had no choice but to sign the Harmand Treaty, named after the French administrator, Francois-Jules Harmand. The French protectorate formally meant the end of the independence of Vietnam. But neighboring China sent troops to the border with Tonkin. The subsequent war with France dragged on for three years. Only after an air raid on the Chinese port of Fuzhou and Keelung harbor on the island of Taiwan, the Chinese recognized the French protectorate. On 17 October 1887, the three Vietnamese regions and Cambodia formed the Union of Indochina, or French Indochina. As from 1893 Laos also became part of the this union.
Revolt of Can Vuong
In 1884, Prince Hiep Hoa died by poisoning. And after his successor, Kien Fuk, who also had signed an agreement with the French, was murdered as well, the thirteen year old Ham Nghi ascended the throne. The mighty mandarin and regent, Ton That Thuyet, led the opposition against the French protectorate and wanted Ham Ngi to become the head of state of an independent Vietnam. On July 2, 1885, the Ambush of Hue failed. It was an attempt to attack the French occupied citadel of Hue by surprise. The French put down the uprising in a bloody fashion, murdering and looting. The imperial library with its unique scrolls and manuscripts went up in flames and the imperial palace was robbed of all its gold and silver ornaments and valuables. Prince Ham Nghi, Ton That Thuyet and the other members of the imperial family fled to the central highlands with the imperial seal. Then the French put the docile prince Dong Khanh on the throne in Hue.
Prince Ham Nghi issued an edict that asked the people to help or can vuong the king.
The coordination of the uprising against the French was done from a military camp at Tan So in the mountains of central Vietnam. The thousands of Vietnamese who joined the resistance primarily targeted Catholics because they were considered supporters of the French colonialists. Between July and September 1885, the warriors of the Can Vuong murdered an estimated 40,000 Vietnamese Catholics. In the cities of Quang Ngai and Binh Dinh south of Hue 24,000 Catholics were lynched.
Slaughter in Ba Ngoat
In the province Quant Tri 7500 persons were murdered. In most places the faithful defended themselves with all means available, led by their priests. The parish Ba Ngoat did not escape this wave of terror. According to the testimony of the Frenchman Jabouille, soldiers of the Can Vuong surrounded the villages of Ba Binh and Hoa Lac on September 8, 1885. They murdered between 450 and six hundred adults with a sword or spear, by burning them to death or by burying them alive. Nguyen Dang Lu, chairman of the parish council, was crucified together with his wife. Even Father Joseph Tran Van Thoi did not survive the bloodbath.
The 280 survivors of the massacre in Ba Ngoat, all children of martyrs, built the following years a solid parish that over the years would grow into three districts. These are in addition to Ba Binh and Hoa Lac also Binh Duc. They bought land for the construction of a new church because the existing one had been burned down. New families established themselves there, including the grandfather and the grandmother of Nguyen Van Ly. They came from the villages of Phu Viet and Loi De.
The homogeneous Catholic parish Ba Ngoat formed a warm close-knit society and the inhabitants worked together in the rice fields. Everybody attended the daily Holy Mass at five o'clock in the morning and the evening prayers at six o'clock in the evening.
Repression marginalizes the opposition
The French sent more and more troops to quash the revolt of the Can Vuong. The fortunes of war changed and the capture of the stronghold Ba Ding in January 1887 was a decisive blow for the resistance. Prince Ham Ngi was exiled to Algeria and many of his followers were killed. However, the resistance against French colonialism was far from over. Ton That Thuyet continued the struggle from South China. In the area he controlled, Phan Dinh Phung had his own army, a political framework and an administration that imposed taxes. But after his death in 1896 the French nipped this movement in the bud by using bribery to encourage people to denounce insurgents.
Due to the low social acceptance, the colonial administration quashed every revolt with an iron fist. The guerrilla leaders Dinh Cong Trang and De Tham were killed. In their efforts to suppress the resistance the French applied the principle of collective responsibility. The discovery of a shelter for resistance fighters led to the destruction of the village and the execution of the notables. As a result of this approach only a few scattered pockets of resistance remained but they failed to mobilize the population.
In the year 1900, Hanoi, instead of Hue, became the capital of French Indochina. The French architect Ernest Hébrard made his mark on the headquarters of the colonial administration. His eclectic Vietnamese style is a mix of French and Oriental motifs. Around the parks and wide avenues of Hanoi buildings were constructed that housed administrative, commercial and industrial services, and residential areas were developed for the French and the Vietnamese. Traditional social order faded away
Britain controlled its colony India indirectly. The British association policy utilized the existing political institutions and respected the local customs. In contrast, the French in Indochina chose for an assimilation policy. They had total control. Only the landowners, bankers and traders or the upper layer of the Vietnamese people who cooperated with the colonizer and also reaped the benefits thereof, embraced the ideas, language and culture of the French. They wore Western suits, drank wine, rode a bicycle and sent their children to French schools. The Catholic Church became the major landowner. But the Buddhists, by far the largest religion, had to ask for approval for any public activity. In 1925 five thousand French bureaucrats controlled the thirty million people of Indochina, while the British in India employed as many officials for ten times more inhabitants.
French officials were not familiar with the Vietnamese language, norms, values and customs. They just called on the Vietnamese as intermediaries and for performing the executive functions and they paid them the lowest wages. Just about any new legislation ignored local needs and traditions. Hence the introduction of French criminal law accelerated the erosion of society, for according to the Vietnamese tradition the paterfamilias and the religious dignitaries have the last word in family disputes. The long imprisonment of political opponents without trial was detrimental to the credibility of the French law.
The central government which was strictly managed by the French first disrupted the traditional social order in the cities. Because of lack of manpower the mandarins and the local chiefs in the provinces and the municipalities collected the taxes and mobilized the workers for public works. In the interior the French had no direct control. They had even less control over the protectorates Annam and Tonkin than in the colony Cochinchina. Yet the influence of the imperial bureaucracy was waning. In 1876 six thousand candidates took part in the triennial exams for mandarin and in 1913 only 1,330. In 1919, the exams were organized for the last time.
Illiteracy increased alarmingly
In the19th century Vietnam had a well-developed educational system. Eighty percent of the population used Chinese characters to write Vietnamese. Yet the French colonizers out of their feeling of superiority comprehensively reorganized the educational system. They compelled the use of French or quoc ngu, the conversion of the Vietnamese language into a western alphabet which was created by Alexandre de Rhodes in the 17th century.
Only the Vietnamese elite spoke French and became fascinated by French culture. Their children studied in private schools. The University of Hanoi, founded in 1907, already closed its doors one year later for the next decade for fear of the involvement of the students in revolts against France. Moreover, the colonial police considered the rare Vietnamese who had studied in Paris and who returned to Vietnam as potential subversives. They rarely found a job on their level and the government paid them a smaller wage than the lowest qualified Frenchmen who looked down on them.
Despite the discouragement policy of the government, the traditional Chinese classical literature-based schools in Annam and Tonkin flourished, even in the twentieth century. Nevertheless only ten to twenty percent of the young people attended school regularly and illiteracy increased alarmingly. Already after a few decades, few people still understood the inscriptions in Chinese characters on the houses and temples.
Economic policy disrupted society
The Vietnamese were subjected to a travel ban outside their own district and the colonial police prevented the spread of "subversive" publications and the creation of anti-French associations. The perverse colonial system, however, had the greatest impact on the economy. As from 1897, Paul Doumer, the liberal former French finance minister, was the Governor General of Indochina who made the country into a colony. Raw materials, including two thirds of coal production, were exported to the motherland and in the protected Vietnamese market only French goods were available. Moreover, the population paid all costs of the colonial administration, the construction of bridges and dikes, the railroad from Hanoi to Saigon, the equipment of the ports, irrigation works, and so on. In order to maximize the profitability of the colonial investments, Doumer abolished the Co Mat or the Cabinet of mandarins. The last piece of sovereignty that the emperor still had, made way for a council of French advisors. Furthermore the division of the country into three regions formally robbed the Emperor of his authority. Thus the Résident Superieur in Hanoi reigned as kinh luoc or viceroy in the name of the emperor. Doumer introduced direct taxes and created monopolies for the production and sale of alcohol, salt and opium. The lucrative drug trade provided a third of the colonial revenue, without anyone caring for the toll of the exploding drug use.
Furthermore the land policy disrupted this rural society. The imperial ban on rice exports aimed at supplying regions with a shortage of rice and establishing reserves for the lean years, was abolished. Under French rule rice exports increased, but as a result of the commercialization, prices fell and farmers became impoverished. They were under pressure to sell their land to speculators and large families. In the 1930s, seventy percent of the farmers were tenants or worked a barely profitable plot. Many worked as cheap labour in the mines, or in the rubber plantations, in the construction of roads, railways and prestigious buildings such as opera houses and the bridge over the Red River in Hanoi. Working conditions were very harsh. In a rubber plantation owned by Michelin in the period 1917-1944 12,000 of the 45,000 employees died of malaria, dysentery and malnutrition. All colonial societies were linked to the Bank of Indochina, a financial mammoth in which the French government and a consortium of French banks participated. The gap between rich and poor became deeper.
Cao Dai and Hoa Hao
In 1911 with the arrival of the evangelical Christian and Missionary Alliance in the city of Da Nang Protestantism was introduced in Vietnam and in the central highlands, two new sects emerged. In 1926, in a vision, Ngo Minh Chieu had contact with Cao Dai or the supreme deity. This deity urged him to crystallize an ideal religion on the basis of the best elements of Christianity, Confucianism, Buddhism, Islam, Taoism and animism. The adherents of that syncretistic religion revere Joan of Arc, as well as Sun Yat Sen, René Descartes, William Shakespeare and Vladimir Lenin. And Victor Hugo, the author of Les misérables, is the main missionary spirit. By living a life of austerity and introspection, which also includes elements of spiritualism and ancestor worship, the followers of the Cao Dai want to break the circle of reincarnation. Mediums bring the faithful into contact with the supreme god and the world of spirits. The Cao Dai has plagiarized the Catholic Church hierarchy. Most adherents live in the Mekong Delta and in the province of Tay Ninh northwest of Saigon, where their main temple is situated.
In 1939 the monk Huynh Phu So advocated a return to the pure Buddhist teachings. Characteristic of the Hoa Hao sect is a strong personal faith and a direct contact between man and God, without the intervention of temples and priests. Especially the rural population in the Mekong Delta embraces this simple variant of Hinayana Buddhism. But cult leader Huynh Phu So also cherished political ambitions and opposed French rule.
Vietnamese nationalism could not mobilize the masses
The mission civilisatrice. That was the official mandate commissioned by the French government in Vietnam. The colonizers wanted to teach the "unfortunate" people their superior culture so that they might develop into "real citizens". Yet this was only a cover for shameless exploitation. Because in France only a small circle of intellectuals opposed the way things were done in the colony, Vietnamese nationalism over the years became more extremist. When in 1907 Emperor Thanh Thai no longer wanted to be a French puppet, he was exiled to the island of Réunion in the Indian Ocean.
In northern Vietnam the nationalist and radical monarchist, Phan Boi Chau, plotted a rebellion led by Prince Cuong De, a direct descendant of Emperor Gia Long. In Vietnam, Phan Boi Chau was seeking support from former leaders of the Can Vuong and he also sought financial assistance from China and Japan. He recruited followers among the elite in the belief that the farmers who constituted eighty percent of the population, would automatically follow. But this mobilization did not occur. Phan Boi Chau remained a major influence on Vietnamese nationalism, even after the French kidnapped him in the Chinese city of Shanghai and sentenced him to lifelong penal servitude.
Under the influence of the French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Charles de Montesquieu Phan Chu Trinh, another Vietnamese nationalist, promoted peaceful reform towards a parliamentary democracy. During an uprising in Hanoi in 1908 Phan Chu Trinh was imprisoned in the notorious prison on the island of Poulo Condore, the current Con Dao. And in 1909, resistance leader De Tham was killed in an ambush.
50,000 Vietnamese soldiers fought for France during the First World War and 50,000 workers toiled in the motherland France. But in Vietnam, the turbulence increased after the introduction of a tax aimed at paying for the war effort. In May 1916 the 16-year-old Emperor Duy Tan escaped from his palace in order to take part in an uprising. All the leaders were arrested and executed and Duy Tan, as his father ten years earlier, was exiled to the island of Réunion. A year later, a general uprising against the high taxes occurred and in Hanoi the French army crushed the mutiny of Vietnamese troops.
After the war the strict French control suppressed Vietnamese nationalism for a long time. In December 1927 Thai Nguyen Doc took the leadership of the clandestine nationalist party Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang or VNQDD which received support from its Chinese colleagues of the Kuomintang. The VNQDD was again a movement of intellectuals that failed to mobilize the masses. The assassination in February 1929 of the hated recruiter of labour, Hervé Bazin, led to the imprisonment of 78 leaders of the VNQDD. Only Nguyen Thai Doc and Nguyen Khac Nhu escaped. Under their impulse Vietnamese soldiers mutinied on 9 February 1930 in the garrison town of Yen Bay. The French reacted harshly. Not only all rebels were executed, but a dozen leaders of the VNQDD underwent the same fate under the guillotine. This was followed by the bombing of villages that were suspected of harboring partisans, after which the soldiers of the Foreign Legion massacred the inhabitants.
Nghe Tinh-Communist rebellion suppressed
From 1929 on, three separate communist fractions operated in Vietnam. On February 3, 1930, at the initiative of the Comintern, the international alliance of communist parties headquartered in Moscow, the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) was created in Hong Kong. Their leader, Nguyen Sinh Cung (b. 1890), the son of a mandarin at the imperial court in Hue, worked from 1911 as a stoker and kitchen helper on cargo boats and as a seasonal worker in the United States.
Later, he took the name Ho Chi Minh, literally "he who enlightens". But that only happened when he was older than fifty and had repeatedly been declared dead. Although his life story contains many gaps, it is known that Ho Chi Minh moved to France after a stopover in Britain (1915-1917) where he converted to socialism. There he became one of the founders of the Communist Party in 1920. As from 1924 he emerged in Moscow as an agent of the Comintern and a practical organizer and he provided training in revolutionary techniques. In 1925 he published his revolutionary manual Duong Cach Menh – The revolutionary path.
The roots of the Vietnamese Communists lie in the ruling elite of Vietnam. They were attracted to Vladimir Lenin’s answer to colonialism in his book Imperialism: the highest stage of capitalism. (1916) Ho Chi Minh was more committed to the overthrow of French imperialism than to class struggle. Establishing a foothold on Vietnamese soil was not evident for the Communists because no urban industrial proletariat existed in society.
The founding of the Indochinese Communist Party took place when, due to the economic crisis, the price of rice on the world market halved and rubber was reduced to a quarter of its former value. This led to restrictions on production and a decrease in wages of between thirty and fifty percent. Even the colonial government dismissed one in seven officials. Unemployed workers demonstrated and in some places hungry farmers took control of local districts. For the Communists the moment approached to implement the adage of Lenin: the revolution had to be launched at the most favorable moment. They created party cells, unions and peasant associations in Nghe An and Ha Tinh, provinces with a tradition of peasant revolts. Demonstrations resulted in a revolt during which local associations or soviets took over the governance tasks and village militias were created. In September 1930 the Foreign Legion intervened. A column of thousands of farmers who marched to the provincial capital Vinh was bombed and early 1931, the Nghe Tinh-rebellion, whose name refers to the two provinces, was over. Eighty leaders were executed and thousands put in prison. Also in Singapore, China and Hong Kong communist leaders were arrested. Many were imprisoned without any form of trial on the island of Poulo Condore. In 1935, the First Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party took place in secret. And after the victory of the leftist Popular Front in the French elections of 1936 1500 political prisoners, including the Communist leaders Pham Van Dong and Le Duc Tho, received amnesty.
Vietminh grows into mass movement
In August 1939, the publication of the non-aggression pact between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union led in Vietnam to the arrest of two thousand communists. The party shifted its activities to the countryside where French control was less intense. But as from 1940 Indochina was also dragged into World War II. With their overwhelming military force the Japanese crushed the European colonial powers in Asia. In Vietnam, the administration remained unchanged since the Vichy regime in France cooperated with Nazi Germany.
The Japanese Kempeitai however interfered in the administration and Jean Decoux, the Governor-General of French Indochina, allowed Japanese troops to use to military barracks in the north of Vietnam. From there they occupied Indochina.
On 19 May 1941, after his clandestine return to the north of Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh founded the Vietminh, abbreviated from Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh or Vietnamese Independence League. This clandestine communist organization that played the patriotic card, not only attracted traders and workers, but with the promise of a redistribution of the land, it also attracted moderate and radical farmers. For the first time in Vietnamese history, Ho Chi Minh brought together urban nationalism and the insurgents in the countryside. The organization was active throughout the country and wanted to conquer all of Vietnam from its revolutionary base in northern Vietnam.
Struggle against French and Japanese
Although the number of guerrillas increased because of the ambition to expel the foreign invaders, the Japanese and French patrols hunted them down continuously. Retreated into the jungle many survived by eating insects, roots and bark. A large number suffered from malaria, dysentery and other diseases. Vo Nguyen Giap, the Communist General, taught his troops how to shake off their enemies and how to store food. He built a secret communications network that killed spies.
In a first phase, military action was limited to conducting guerrilla operations from the mountains.
In 1944, Ho Chi Minh successfully approached the Allied forces who were winning the world war. The U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), donated weapons and ammunition to the Vietminh army. The Americans supported the principle of national self-determination.
"After one hundred years of French rule in Indochina, the inhabitants are worse off than before," said the U.S. president, Franklin D. Roosevelt. The U.S. aid led many nationalists to join the ranks of the Vietminh, because due to internal discord, the nationalist party Quoc Viet Nam Dan Dang (VNQDD) was weakened.
In early 1945 the Vietminh counted in central and southern Vietnam about five thousand followers, mostly communists. When after the reconquest of the Philippines by American soldiers it was rumored that Indochina would be the next stop, General Charles de Gaulle took action. The prime minister of the provisional government in France was indeed determined to keep the colony Indochina and had ordered the dropping of French agents and French arms in Vietnam. They got the order to attack the Japanese troops once the Americans arrived. On March 9, 1945, the Japanese reacted by placing the French troops still in Vietnam under their command. The latter surrendered without bloodshed. Furthermore the Japanese arrested hundreds of French citizens. They were tortured by the guards who worked for the colonial administration.
Two million famine deaths
Although the Japanese were losing the war throughout Asia, Bao Dai, the thirteenth and last emperor of the Nguyen dynasty on the throne since 1926, declared on 11 March 1945 the independence of Vietnam under Japanese authority. But at that moment in the delta of the Red River a human tragedy without precedent was unfolding. An estimated two million people died of hunger, while in the Mekong Delta rice was available in abundance. Under colonial rule, the north was indeed focused on the mining of raw materials such as coal, iron and non-ferrous metals and the development of industry.
And in agriculture the focus was on the cultivation of cotton, coffee, tea, tobacco, jute and oilseeds. Therefore the north depended for its food on the supply of rice from the south. But in 1944, the Allied Forces destroyed the supply lines by bombing the roads and railroads while in the Mekong Delta rice ships were moored at the quay. Moreover, as from 1942, the Japanese had exported 2.5 million tons of rice from the north of Vietnam to their motherland and the rice requisitioned by the French was rotting in warehouses. The price of rice on the black market in Hanoi increased twentyfold. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger in the streets and parents sold their children for a couple of cups of rice. The famine was an important issue in the political strategy of the Vietminh.
Vietminh filled the power vacuum
After the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan capitulated on 14 August 1945. Under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh the Vietminh founded a National Liberation Committee in Vietnam that filled the power vacuum. It included representatives of the communists, the socialists and the nationalists of the VNQDD. On August 16, the Liberation Committee, that had proclaimed itself the Provisional Government, called for a general uprising. The Vietnamese Catholics also gave their support. Bishop Le Huu Tu, the apostolic vicar of Phat Diem in NorthVietnam, organized militias in Catholic parishes. They also under no circumstances wanted to restore the French colonial government. On 19 August, the army of the Vietminh took Hanoi and on August 23 the old imperial capital of Hue fell in their hands.
On September 2, from the balcony of the National Theatre in Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh declared the independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV).
Because of the support of the Americans, and inspired by the American Declaration of Independence of 1789, he said,: “All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental powers and to sacrifice their lives and property, in order to safeguard their freedom and independence. " Interior Minister and Chief of the Army, General Vo Nguyen Giap, praised "our good friends", the United States. Bishop Le Huu Tu, now an adviser to Ho Chi Minh, and three other bishops of Vietnamese origin, asked the international community to recognize the Nationalist government. The powerless emperor Bao Dai transferred power to the Vietminh, including his sword and ivory seal.
In his attempt to seize power, Ho Chi Minh was prepared to do anything. In 1945 he dissolved the Indochinese Communist Party in order to take the wind out of the sails of his opponents. But the recognition of the Provisional Government of Ho Chi Minh by the United States remained in the balance because the true form of the Vietminh became ever clearer. Communist executives took charge in most places, which was disputed by the other coalition partners.
French authority laboriously restored
The Vietminh also tried to seize power in the south of Vietnam. Over there the movement was less strongly developed because of the grip of the militias of the Cao Dai and Hoa Hao on the countryside. On 25 September 1945 a general strike called by the Vietminh got completely out of hand
In Saigon the central market was burned down, the airport was stormed and hundreds of prisoners were freed. In the Hérault district, 150 French and Eurasian civilians were massacred, including women and children. And hundreds of others were taken hostage. Because of this brutality the Americans halted all aid to the Vietminh and aimed for the restoration of the French colonial government. For now, after the German surrender on May 8, 1945 and the fall of the Vichy regime in France, the international tide had turned. With the support of British troops the French recaptured large parts of southern Vietnam while Vietminh fighters retreated to the central highlands and left a trail of destruction in their wake.
The French Prime Minister, Charles de Gaulle, nominated on August 6, 1945 Admiral Thierry d'Argenlieu as High Commissioner, and General Jacques Philippe Leclerc as leader of a French expeditionary force. Both arrived in Vietnam in October. Thierry d'Argenlieu was ordered to restore the colonial authority in Saigon and Leclerc was given the same task in the Gulf of Tonkin. The latter noted that the two hundred thousand ragged Chinese soldiers who had to disarm the Japanese, mainly engaged in looting. Freed criminals terrorized the countryside and in some villages communist people's courts sentenced mandarins to death. The Vietminh wanted to prevent the restoration of French authority in the north. But when a clash with the French soldiers of Leclerc seemed inevitable, Ho Chi Minh suddenly made a 180 degrees turn and began to work together with France. Why? At that time, his Democratic Republic of Vietnam barely got any international support. The Soviet Union was furious about his pro-Western independence speech. The leader of the French Communists, vice president Maurice Thorez, advocated the maintenance of the French position in Indochina and the Chinese communists were still embroiled in a power struggle with the nationalist troops of Chang Kai-shek. The new U.S. President, Harry S. Truman, the successor of Franklin D. Roosevelt who had passed away on April 12, 1945 also was determined to restore the French colonial government for fear of contamination of Asia by communism.
2. First Indochina War ended in armed peace (1946-1964)
Agreement remained a dead letter
The Vietminh won 300 of the 350 seats in the parliamentary elections of January 1946 in the north of Vietnam. Yet the new constitution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was democratically inspired. It provided for freedom of speech, press and association in order not to offend the non-communist nationalists and the French negotiators. On 6 March 1946, Ho Chi Minh reached an agreement with Jean Sainteny, the representative of the French Government, on the reform of the colonial administration and the gradual independence of Vietnam within the French Indochinese Union. Under the Treaty of Ha Long Bay 15,000 French soldiers would remain in the cities Hanoi, Hai Phong, Nam Ding and Lang Son for another five years and a plebiscite would decide on the future of the southern region of Cochinchina. But that agreement was immediately under attack. Firstly the conservative circles in Paris torpedoed the plan for a referendum. They dreaded the loss of direct control over their colony. Secondly many Vietnamese feared for a sale of their revolution. Uncertainty was further increased when shortly afterwards 15,000 French soldiers arrived in the Tonkin countries.
Ho Chi Minh, the Prime Minister and the President of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), now embraced China and the Soviet Union to achieve his goal: the end of colonialism and the independence of Vietnam. He was first and foremost a nationalist who upheld Marxism as a doctrine and Stalinism as a method that consisted in first making allies of one’s rivals, followed by their elimination. So the Communists liquidated in 1945-46 the Nationalist Party Viet Nam Quoc Dan Dang (VNQDD), their allies in the National Liberation Committee and the Provisional Government. Thousands of soldiers were killed or languished in the concentration camp of Luc Yen Chau. For in the ancient Vietnamese tradition the Communists ruled over the territory that they controlled with an iron fist. A new constitution was promulgated and a government put in place that was fully dominated by the Communists. In the Catholic dioceses of Phat Diem and Bui Chu southeast of Hanoi a movement against the ongoing communist coup was created by Bishop Le Huu Tu, who was to become one of the fiercest opponents of Ho Chi Minh. Until 1954 Catholic militias fought against the Communists.
Meanwhile, negotiations on the implementation of the agreement with France continued in Fontainebleau since May 1946. But Admiral Thierry d'Argenlieu, the High Commissioner for Indochina, violated an earlier agreement by appointing a government for the southern region Cochinchina. After the interruption of the consultation in September 1946, Ho Chi Minh, who had remained in France as the only representative of the Vietminh, signed a modus vivendi that was disadvantageous for him. This agreement provided for the cessation of hostilities and the maintenance of 25,000 French soldiers in the north of the country until 1951. Nevertheless France was not much interested in the agreement. The country was bogged down because of an institutional crisis in which one government followed another. The fear prevailed that the withdrawal from Vietnam would lead to the loss of several colonies.
Communist fish in North-Vietnamese Water
Following the signing of the agreement with France Ho Chi Minh lay under fire within the Vietminh, but immediately after his return to Vietnam the First Indochina War or the Vietminh War broke out. In the port of Haipong riots took place between French and Vietnamese troops and after the murder of a number of French officials French warships and aircraft bombarded from 23 to 28 November the city from the sea and from the air
During the conflict 6000-20000 people were killed or wounded on the Vietnamese side. The Vietminh withdrew, and also left the capital Hanoi in December 1946 after fierce fighting. In January 1947 French sovereignty was restored in six provincial capitals in the north and in February, and after a siege of six weeks the former imperial capital of Hue was back in French hands. In August followed the restoration of French control of the border with China. The Vietminh, who did not yet want a confrontation with the French, further built up their armed forces. They engaged in guerrilla attacks from the 'liberated' countryside and jungle.
With their superior firepower on land and in the air the French hoped that 150,000 French soldiers would be sufficient to control Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. Their mobile tactical elite units however had to operate in the mountainous jungle, a terrain with which they were not familiar.
Moreover, the commanders were accountable to superior officers in Paris that were frequently replaced by new superiors. The French had therefore increasingly less grip on their opponent. The army of the Vietminh moved in accordance with the imagery of Mao Zedong as "a fish in water." Unarmed villagers provided shelters, supply and intelligence gathering for the guerrilla actions. Moreover, General Vo Nguyen Giap trained a regular army in the jungle. The Vietminh compensated for their limited military and logistical equipment by the motivation of their soldiers, their knowledge of the terrain, the support of the population and their objective to expel the French. In response to the many ambushes, guerrilla attacks and the placement of bombs the French launched on October 7, 1947 operation Léa. On 20 October this attack was followed by operation Ceinture. 7200 Vietminh fighters were killed and thousands more imprisoned, but the ringleaders Ho Chi Minh and General Giap narrowly escaped. Then Major General Marcel Alessandri, the commander of the French troops, cut off the rice supply to the Vietminh by occupying the delta of the Red River.
As from 1948 the communist army grew to 250,000 units and expanded the area under their control. Yet the tide really turned after the Communist takeover in China in 1949. Chinese soldiers trained the soldiers of the Viet Minh and Mao provided the Vietminh with light and heavy weapons as well as logistical supplies. When on January 14, 1950, Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) the sole legitimate government of the country, prompt recognition by the Soviet Union and China followed.
The government of Cochinchina sank into a quagmire of corruption
In April 1947, the Vietminh lost their last chance for cooperation with the influential Hoa Hao Buddhist sect in Cochinchina because they murdered their leader Huynh Pho So. The Committee for the South, whose communist image in Cochinchina was seriously damaged because of its harsh approach, was replaced in 1951 by the Trung Uong Cuc Mien Nam or the Central Office for South Vietnam, abbreviated COSVN and headed by Le Duan. In communist ranks there was a growing awareness that priority should be given to the liberation of the north. Indeed, the conquest of the south promised to be a long process.
Meanwhile the French President, Vincent Auriol, and the Vietnamese emperor, Bao Dai, signed on 8 March 1949 at the Elysee Palace in Paris an agreement that recognized South Vietnam as an associated state within the French Union.
Pending full independence, the French maintained control over the key ministries of Defense and Finance. They hoped that Bao Dai would form a strong coalition that would bring together conservative nationalists, Catholics and other groups that could take over the leadership of Vietnamese nationalism from Ho Chi Minh. But many prominent nationalists, including Ngo Dinh Diem, refused to join and left the country. On 7 February 1950, Great Britain and the United States recognized the government of Bao Dai, although this was sinking into a morass of corruption.
Growing up in Ba Ngoat
Nguygen Van Ly was born on Sunday, August 31, 1947 in Ba Binh, a district of the municipality of Ho Xa (population 700). He is the youngest in a family of five children and literally a latecomer. His father, Nguygen Van San, was 48 years old at his birth and his mother, Tran Thi Kink, 47 years. His eldest brother Nguyen San was 21. The other family members are Nguyen Thi Qui, his eldest sister, also called the second sister, his younger brother Tri Nguyen Hong An and his younger sister, Nguyen Tri Hieu. Although the family of Van Ly was poor, two homeless children were adopted: Nguyen Van Chung and Nguyen Van Toan. The atmosphere in Ba Binh was very pleasant. No distinction was made between the social classes in the community. Apart from more affluent families, poorer families also lived in Ba Binh.
The area was part of the parish Ba Ngoat. Pastor Joseph Truong Van Thien christened Van Ly on 6 September 1947. Like every inhabitant of this exclusively Catholic community, he experienced the pure Vatican faith from a young age. Without exception, he attended Mass at 5am and at 6pm he attended the evening service. Until the age of eight, Van Ly struggled with a speech impediment. Smiling, the parishioners saw how he sat in the first row during church services and enthusiastically repeated in his high voice the verses said by the priest. As a young man, Van Ly was impatient. Instead of reading, he would rather play with his friends. Later he helped with work in the rice fields and when one day he stole grapes in the orchard of a neighbor his older brother Tri Nguyen Hong An punished him. This brother was indeed responsible for his upbringing. Because the parish Ba Ngoat had no primary school, illiteracy was widespread. Many young people learned to read and write during the religious instruction when prayers were taught. Often seminarians assumed that task. As from 1954, Van Ly walked 3 Km every day to the primary school in the neighboring parish Thach Han.
First encounter with the Communists
Despite the presence of French missionaries, the people of the Catholic enclaves were opponents of the colonization because of the systematic exploitation they experienced first hand. And because of their faith they were naturally against the nascent communism. They yearned for freedom and peace. But under the impulse of communist sympathizers and partisans from the neighboring non-Catholic villages, propaganda visits as well as military attacks occurred in Ba Ngoat at night. From the mid-1940s, parishioners between eighteen and sixty years formed a militia for their self-defense and they carried firearms. The village was fortified and the church and the presbytery of Ba Ngoat grew into a fortress.
The Vietminh also regularly killed parishioners and took others prisoner. That was the case in 1950 with Thomas Nguyen Dang Thu, father of Nguyen Dang Truc, a childhood friend of Nguyen Van Ly. The man was released from prison one year later, but the difficult living conditions in the camps had weakened him. After a long illness Thomas Nguyen Dang Thu died in 1957.
Domino theory
By establishing diplomatic relations with the Yugoslavia of Marshal Tito, who sailed an independent course within the communist world, Ho Chi Minh made it clear that he was not a puppet of the Soviet Union or China. But the Western powers thought otherwise. The U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheton launched the Domino Theory. He was of the opinion that following the victory of Mao in China, the tide of communism threatened all of Indochina. Acheton urged U.S. President Truman to increase his involvement in Vietnam. This theory received great support in the United States, because at that moment U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy had launched a hate campaign against the "red peril". His (delusional) idea that the Communists could count on a number of hidden supporters in the United States led to a witch hunt against real and especially alleged communists. Within that anti-communist climate the western countries combined their forces in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a military alliance.
Cold War escalated
In the rapidly escalating Cold War, South-East Asia became an international battleground. The Western capitalist bloc led by the United States faced the communist bloc under the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union. Thus, the former Japanese colony of Korea at the 38th parallel was divided into two zones. The north was occupied by the Soviet Union and the south by the United States. When on 26 June 1950 an unusually bloody war erupted in Korea, the conflict in Vietnam also escalated.
Both France and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam assured themselves of additional international aid. On the one hand the Soviet Union fully supported the regime of Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong sent heavy armaments that the Chinese had looted from the forces of Chiang Kai-shek. On the other hand the French, who had increased their military effort in Indochina, obtained additional American political, economic, financial and military support. The Western media no longer spoke about a colonial war, but a crusade against communism. Via short wave, The Voice of America broadcasted propaganda in Vietnamese. In the wake of the first American military advisers followed deliveries of aircraft, artillery, tanks, boats, weapons and communication equipment. In 1950, the U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) invested one hundred million U.S. dollars in Vietnam. By the end of 1952, the United States supported one third of the French war budget and on top of this they supported the government of Bao Dai. In early 1954, the U.S. contribution increased to a billion or eighty percent of the French military expenditure.
Tiger vs Elephant
From their historical knowledge the communist leaders Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap developed a threefold strategy. In a first phase, they carried out guerrilla attacks, followed by larger operations. Only when the balance was tilted in their favor, they would be tempted by fighting a conventional battle.
The Vietminh operated in cells of three, four or five persons who were responsible for each other. Their leaders had no privileges. They lived with their men, ate the same food and wore the same clothes. Through good organization, motivation, indoctrination and an iron discipline the soldiers endured many hardships: hunger, disease and the rare contact with their families. Their leitmotif was the sacred belief that the French could be defeated. This inspiring idea won the sympathy of many villagers and their leaders. Between 1949 and 1950 the Vietminh troops already consisted of 300,000 units. They faced 100,000 French soldiers, part of the Foreign Legion, African colonial troops and 300,000 Vietnamese soldiers.
Ho Chi Minh realized that time was on his side. The longer the war lasted, the more exhausted the French would be and public opinion in the motherland would turn against the war. In an interview he said: "The battle will be hard and inflexible, but we can win. It will be a war between an elephant and a tiger. The tiger does not stand still. He rests in the jungle by day and operates at night. He will jump on the back of the elephant and tear out large chunks of flesh from its body, and thereafter withdraw into the dark jungle. And slowly the elephant will bleed to death. "In February 1951, the Second Congress of the Communist Party took place in the province of Tuyen Quang, a remote area in the northern highlands that the Vietminh controlled.
It was attended by two hundred delegates who represented the 500000 members. The party that was temporarily abolished for opportunistic reasons in 1945 was recreated under the name Dang Lao Dong Viet Nam or the Vietnamese Workers Party. Even now due to strategic reasons, no reference was made to the Communist roots. Ho Chi Minh Truong became the party chairman and Truong Chinh the secretary general.
De Lattre Line made the French vulnerable
In order to protect the cultivation of rice, the French built fortifications along the Red River. When the Vietminh increased pressure on the isolated French garrisons, the French abandoned the rural areas as from 1949 and withdrew into the cities. But as a result of the increasing strength of the Vietminh also larger garrison towns were in the crosshairs.
After the conquest of Dong Khe, the city of Cao Bang was threatened: a key post in the northeast of Vietnam on the border with China. The French withdrew their troops along the Route Coloniale No. 4 at the Chinese border, but lost 4,800 troops in a series of ambushes. They immediately left the town of Lang Son in haste and also abandoned the cities of Laokay and Thai Nguyen, whereby again six thousand French soldiers were slain or captured. The loss of control over the 1,350 km border with China led to the replacement of the French High Command of the Armed Forces. On December 6, 1950, General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny became both the new military commander as well as the High Commissioner for Indochina. That same month the Americans signed an agreement in Saigon for economic and military aid to the French High Command. Later the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) also supported the French troops in Vietnam.
In the conquered areas are the Vietminh were faced with the challenge to provide the people and the soldiers with food, because the French did not abandon the rice fields in the delta of the Red River. They also were easier to defend than the border with China. In a quick move, the De Lattre Line was established: a chain of nine hundred forts and 2,200 bunkers built from reinforced concrete. That defense held up well against the attacks of General Giap against the rice fields, the city of Vinh Yen near Hanoi and the port of Haipong, which was crucial for the import of French aid. During the fighting the French for the first time dropped napalm bombs. The Vietminh suffered a heavy defeat, but as time went on, the De Lattre Line made the French more vulnerable. Unlike the free operating resistance fighters, the French troops who were living in barracks could not be reallocated to other battlegrounds.
By the end of 1951 the French launched an offensive against Hoa Binh, a stronghold of the Vietminh, who then attacked the French supply lines.
The subsequent war of attrition led to heavy losses on both sides. Despite the increase in the number of troops under French rule to half a million, the Vietminh increasingly took the initiative thanks to the monthly supply of four hundred tons of Chinese weapons and supplies. Assisted by Chinese advisers, General Giap launched attacks against the French garrisons in the northwestern highlands. By the end of 1952, the Vietminh had conquered half of the villages in the delta of the Red River.
French defeat at Dien Bien Phu
In April 1953, the Vietminh, who for some time had been in control of the border crossing with Laos, attacked the north of that country. In Laos, an independent state within the French Union, the army was still under French command. Henri Navarre, the new French commander in Vietnam, led surprise attacks on food depots and outposts of the Vietminh and wanted to cut off the Laotian supply lines in key places. Dien Bien Phu, a plateau in the T'ai mountains at 16 kilometers from the border with Laos is situated in a strategically important location. It is completely surrounded by jungle, but can be supplied from the air. The French built Dien Bien Phu into a fortress.
After the death of the Soviet leader Stalin on 5 March 1953 the Korean War ended with a cease-fire. This war claimed 3.2 million lives and left the country in ruins. In October 1953, Laos became independent within the French Union and on November 9, 1953, Cambodian Prince Norodom Sihanouk declared the independence of his country. On the diplomatic front, Ho Chi Minh accepted a French proposal to reach a negotiated solution. In February 1954, one agreed to organize a peace conference on May 8, in the Swiss city of Geneva. The strategists of the Vietminh, under the leadership of General Giap, thought that it was possible to conduct a decisive attack on Dien Bien Phu even before the start of the conference. For months 250,000 Vietnamese, half of which were women, lugged heavy Russian- made artillery and antiaircraft guns and 1,500 tons of Chinese-made weapons through the jungle.
At the beginning of the battle on March 13, 1954, 10,800, later 16,000 French soldiers faced fifty thousand soldiers of the Vietminh, 55,000 auxiliary troops and a hundred logisticians. Antiaircraft guns destroyed 62 French planes and also destroyed the runway on March 27, effectively trapping the French. The battle lasted for 55 days, claiming 2,300 deaths and 5,200 wounded on the French side and 7,900 deaths and 15,000 wounded on the side of the Vietminh. The French surrender on May 7, 1954 marked the end of the First Indochina War. Of the 11,000 French prisoners of war few returned home.
From a military standpoint, this battle was not decisive because only part of the French Army was defeated. But psychologically France never recovered from this defeat. In France, the public was fed up with la sale guerre - the dirty war.
The final balance amounted to 94,000 French and allied deaths and 150,000 Vietminh victims. The war cost France two and a half times the aid that the country had received in the framework of the Marshall Plan. But also the Americans who did not directly intervene, were licking their wounds. In the period 1946-1954 they had invested three billion U.S. dollars in the war, or sixty percent of the French expenditure.
Geneva Accords did not bury the hatchet
The French Prime Minister Joseph Laniel, called for a cease-fire on 8 May 1954, the day on which the Geneva Peace Conference on Vietnam began. In the ensuing tussle between France, the United States, South Vietnam, Britain, China, the Soviet Union and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam finally a compromise was proposed by the new French Prime Minister Pierre Mendès-France, and Chinese Premier Zou Enlai. This mainly served their mutual interests, but it was anyway preferable to a recrudescence of the battle.
In Geneva, two documents were signed. France and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam drew a provisional military demarcation line at the 17th parallel, and France withdrew its troops to the south while the Vietminh moved its soldiers to the north of the line. In between a demilitarised zone of ten km was established. The inhabitants were given a period of three hundred days to move north or south of the DMZ. An International Control Commission involving India, Poland and Canada supervised the implementation of the agreement. Furthermore all countries approved a final declaration on 20 July 1954. Under the supervision of the International Control Commission elections would reunite the country within two years. The superpowers also promised to stay away from the independent and neutral countries Laos and Cambodia.
Under the Geneva Accords neither the West nor the communists acquired control over Indochina. But because of misunderstandings and misinterpretations the hatchet was not buried. The French retreated, but the ideological struggle between the capitalist and the communist power bloc continued. To the fury of the Vietminh, the one point the great powers quickly agreed upon was the cancellation of the elections. On the one hand the United States feared the popularity of Ho Chi Minh. North Vietnam had indeed the largest population, and the Americans would under no circumstances allow a communist South Vietnam to exist. On the other hand China preferred a divided Vietnam over a strong southern neighbor because that would exert a disproportionate influence on the neighboring countries Laos and Cambodia, which the Chinese preferred to keep within their sphere of influence. But above all Mao did not want to tempt the United States to send troops to Vietnam because these troops could also have threatened China.
Parish Ba Ngoat moved
In the second half of 1954, 130,000 French soldiers moved towards the south, while 90,000 fighters and sympathizers of the Vietminh moved in the opposite way. Many opponents of Ho Chi Minh and non-communist intellectuals took refuge in South Vietnam. The Vatican wanted the priests to stay in the north to avoid a repetition of the Chinese drama. In 1949, as a result of the departure to Taiwan of most priests in the wake of Chiang Kai Shek, millions of believers on the communist mainland were orphaned. Many North Vietnamese priests however did not trust the Communists and left with all their parishioners.
An additional motivation was that the new strong man in South Vietnam, the Catholic Ngo Ding Diem, had promised them a fertile soil. French and American planes and ships transported 800,000 to one million people to the south, including at least 650,000 Catholics. But in the remote rural areas not everyone who wanted to did succeed in effectively moving. As a result of this migration South Vietnam has more inhabitants than North Vietnam.
The parish Ba Ngoat which is just north of the 17th degree of latitude, was now part of North Vietnam. In fear of the Communists all believers under the leadership of Pastor Truong Van Thien left the parish. Most of them only took some clothes and food for the road and left their homes behind. A number of parishioners crossed the 17th parallel on foot, while French soldiers transported most of the refugees by truck to a refugee camp around a shrine in Trieu Phong district in the province of Quang Tri.
Over there other believers took care of them. At the request of the pastor and the elders, they refused the transfer to the south of the country. They wanted to stay in the neighborhood in order to return to the land of their ancestors after the elections and the promised unification of Vietnam.
New village in La Vang
The parish was newly established in the vicinity of the Marian Shrine of Our Lady of La Vang. This is a sacred place for Vietnamese Catholics since in 1798 Our Lady is said to have appeared in a forest near the village of Phu Hai, in the country of Mai Linh in the province of Quang Tri sixty kilometers from Hue. That happened to a group of Vietnamese Catholics fleeing the persecutions of King Cahn Thinh of the Tay Son dynasty. During the persecution of Christians in the first half of the 19th century many people on death row requested to die in La Vang. After new appearances in 1886 and in 1901 Our Lady of La Vang became the patron of the Vietnamese Catholics. On 8 August 1961, the South Vietnamese bishops recognized La Vang as a national Marian center and Pope John XXIII elevated the church to the rank of a Minor Basilica. La Vang grew into one of the most popular pilgrimage destinations in Asia.
In 1955, after the inhabitants of the village of Long Hung ceded part of their land, six new villages were established around the dense, hilly forest surrounding the shrine. These are Great Lavang, where the shrine is, La Vang Up, La Vang Down, La Vang Center, La Vang East, La Vang West and finally La Vang Garrison near a large military base of the South Vietnamese army. Most parishioners of Ba Ngoat got shelter in La Vang center, two kilometers from the pilgrimage site and a small number were housed in La Vang Up. The new location is only forty kilometers from their former village. With support from the United States family homes were built around the new church. The new village is located in the municipality Phu Hai, Hai Lang district, 15 km from Quang Tri, the capital of the eponymous province.
Due to the arid east wind, this new location is less fertile and despite the presence of water, rice culture is not possible. During the first years the inhabitants still got the support of the South Vietnamese government and the Catholic Relief Service of the United States, but most families lived in poverty. They grew grain and vegetables such as cassava, maize, potatoes and beans on the three acres that each family was assigned. Some worked the wasteland outside the village. The socio-economic situation of the emigrant families deteriorated, but on the other hand, education was more developed and career opportunities increased. A number of residents worked for the administration or enlisted in the South Vietnamese army.
Disastrous land reform in North Vietnam
In the independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) hardly any euphoria was felt about the expulsion of the French colonizers. The challenges for President Ho Chi Minh and Pham Van Dong, the new Prime Minister, were indeed numerous. In the delta of the Red River, the war had destroyed much of the rice production. Only the Soviet Union-funded imports of rice from Burma prevented a new famine. Furthermore a large part of the infrastructure was in ruins. Railways and bridges were blown up, buildings destroyed, hospitals, factories and port facilities dismantled. Already in 1952 the Communists launched a land reform in the territory they controlled. The inspirer of that large-scale operation was Truong Chinh, the ideologue of the communist party, who was inspired by the approach of his Chinese comrades. The hidden agenda was to crush any opposition.
Officially, he only aimed at the elimination of the five percent landowners who owned 95 percent of the land. In every village special teams gathered information about the local landowners, but also about the supporters of reactionary parties and critics of the regime. They encouraged the population to speak out against them at public meetings of improvised People's Tribunals.
During their trial the accused, who knelt before the judges with bowed heads, were not given the right to speak. Following the testimony about several crimes by a pseudo victim, the jurors asked the people present in the room whether the accused was guilty of the crimes. The communist cadres who were present shouted "yes", then the listeners agreed. When the judges asked for the penalty, a communist would shout "Kill the landowner", then others would repeat that cry and the accused would be put to death.
In order to reach the quota of five per cent, farmers who for years had supported the Vietminh were also victimized. They were accused by people who are jealous of them or because of the settling of accounts. Children at school were encouraged to report their parents. As the reform progressed, more and more blood flowed. An estimated 50,000 to 100,000 landowners and "class enemies" were slain. Their families lost their homes and all their possessions. The villagers were forbidden to talk to them and the women of the convicts were not allowed to work for a year, so many died of starvation. Others committed suicide. Historians estimate that the toll of the runaway reform reached between 200,000 and 900,000 victims. In addition, hundreds of thousands of intellectuals and anyone who was unwilling to follow the communist doctrine, was brainwashed in reeducation camps.
Despite the redistribution of more than half of the land, this reform even increased the food shortage. In November 1956 a spontaneous uprising erupted in the rural province of Nghe An, where Ho Chi Minh was born, and spread to other regions. After the execution or deportation of six thousand insurgents, the failed reform was silently abolished.
The Minister of Agriculture was fired and party leader Truong Chinh took a step aside, but remained a powerful man within the Politburo. President Ho Chi Minh uttered some self-criticism regarding malpractices, but apparently did not have the power anymore to intervene. His role was to monitor the delicate balance between the pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese factions within the Communist Party.
Totalitarian regime wanted to destroy humankind
North Vietnam was insulated from the outside world, and wanted to cope with all difficulties by establishing a communist society. After the nationalization of the mining and textile sector followed the abolition of trade and private ownership. The country got a new constitution in 1959 that sealed the communist character of society and granted the Communist Party a monopoly on power. The objective was the dismantling of the familial, social, moral and religious foundations of society, spirituality as well as conscience, and the destruction of relationships between the inhabitants. As a result of this policy, everyone stood naked before the party. Communism is not a dictatorship, but a totalitarian regime that wants to monitor all people via a closed control system. Every effort is made to ensure that everyone's mind can be permanently read and controlled. In every town, village and hamlet a network of officers and informants spies on all residents.
This system where everyone distrusts each other, results in the complete suppression of man. Many dictatorships have pursued that goal, but in history, only the Communists have ever gone that far.
This one party military state adopted the Confucian tradition. The first generation of leaders embodied the tai duc or the combination of talent and virtue. They cultivated the image of incorruptibility, moral leadership and effective management. Ho Chi Minh identified communism in the first place with the historical aims of Vietnamese nationalism. Thus his writings contain references to the traditional Vietnamese literature and mysticism. The personality cult built around him cultivated the image of a charismatic leader who conveys uy tin or credibility, which legitimizes the claim to authority. The widespread pictures of Ho Chi Ming showed the leader as an ascetic who enjoys the company of children dwell. Therefore the South Vietnamese infiltrators who with the support of the CIA wanted to destabilize the communist regime had no chance.
At the Third Congress of the Communist Party in 1960, the introduction of a planned economy led to the adoption of the First Five-Year Plan for the period 1960-1965. On that occasion, Le Duan became the General Secretary of the Communist Party. He became the number two of the regime after president and party chairman Ho Chi Minh. In line with Soviet tradition, the emphasis was on the development of heavy industry and the military. Furthermore, consumer goods were hardly produced. Great attention was paid to education and medical care. The family policy protected the rights of women and children and forbade polygamy, forced marriage, concubinage and rape. Through birth control, large families were discouraged. Corruption was almost nonexistent, but starvation and forced labor remained common. In 1961 started the forced relocation of large populations of the densely populated delta of the Red River to the desolate northern highlands. The difference between rich and poor became smaller partly because Vietnam was reduced to being one of the world's poorest countries.
Socialist Realism
The Communists were masters in conducting propaganda and the manipulation of the population. From kindergarten on, imparting the revolutionary ethics of Marxism-Leninism was emphasized. The party newspaper Nhan Dan - The People, the official mouthpiece of the regime, launched one campaign after another. For example, the Triple readiness: to join the army and fight well, to overcome difficulties, and finally to go anywhere and do whatever the country required.
In the cultural sector, the Socialist Realism was the only permitted style. The works of Vietnamese writers and artists who had stood the test of censorship had to mobilize the population and arouse enthusiasm for the ideals of the revolution like "cultural bazookas, mortars and rifles". They were also responsible for the formation of a new corps of socialist intellectuals among the peasants. All dissident voices were silenced. In 1956, the staff of the banned magazines Giai Pham - Works of beauty and Nhan Van – Humanism languished as "cultural and ideological saboteurs" in factories and farms. Writer Tran Dan tried to commit suicide and in application of a "cordon sanitaire" around the philosopher Tran Duc Thao nobody was allowed to speak to him. In vain his former classmate and friend, the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre, pleaded for a halt to this cruel psychological torture.
Soviet and East European films and Russian novels translated in Vietnamese dominated the cultural landscape. However, like in the Soviet Union samizdat or illegal underground press was published in North Vietnam.
Decree No 234 curtailed religion. In 1955 the Liaison Committee of Patriotic and Peace-loving Catholics was founded for the 600,000 Catholics who remained in North Vietnam. But that was only a sham operation. All Catholic churches, seminaries, schools, hospitals, orphanages, printers and booksellers closed their doors. Church property was confiscated and all priests had to work in agriculture. The missionaries and the papal nuncio were deported and the government broke diplomatic ties with the Vatican. The Archbishop of Hanoi was not allowed to leave the capital city. The small number of priests that were not killed or put in a reeducation camp during the land reform had to register with the local People's Committee on every visit to a parish.
Diem consolidated his power in South Vietnam
With the support of the U.S. President, Dwight D. Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, Ngo Ding Diem (b. 1901) became the new strong man in South Vietnam. Shortly before the signing of the Geneva Accords, the puppet emperor Bao Dai, who resided in France, appointed him as Prime Minister. This was done against the wishes of the French. They feared that the majority of the Buddhists would not accept this ascetic anti-French Catholic. As an ardent patriot Diem, the son of a mandarin under the Nguyen dynasty, aimed for nationalism without communism. His eldest brother, provincial governor Khoi Ngo Ding, was after all burned alive during the revolt of the Vietminh in August 1945.
Diem's first assignment, consolidating his position, was anything but easy because large sections of South Vietnamese society, highly fragmented by the war, barely recognized the central government. Diem sidelined Nguyen Van Hinh, the chief of staff of the army and a French protege who wanted to kill him. Furthermore, he eliminated the private militia of Mafia boss Binh Xuyen who controlled the underworld of Saigon. And with American money the Cao Dai and the Hoa Hao religious sects supported his regime with an army of 25,000 soldiers,. Guerrilla Leader Ba Cut was captured and publicly executed and then Diem crushed the revolt of the Binh Xuyen. The next step was the removal of Emperor Bao Dai who lost his throne in a referendum in October 1955 with 98.2 percent of the vote, whereupon Diem proclaimed himself the first president of South Vietnam.
The Diem regime organized the departure of the French colonial soldiers and made great efforts to integrate the nearly one million refugees from the north into society. Because of his moral integrity he succeeded in uniting the south.
Catholic model state
President Diem succeeded in obtaining more and more aid from the United States during his triumphant visit in May 1957. Between 1955 and 1961 the Americans invested seven billion U.S. dollars in the strengthening of the regime and the struggle against communism. After all they watched with sorrow that many countries in the Third World who were liberating themselves from the colonial yoke ended up in the communist sphere of influence. The United States wanted other countries to follow the South Vietnamese example. Was not the embrace of Western politics and economics the best guarantee for fast progress?
For the first time since long the store shelves in South Vietnam were well filled again. Prosperity increased, whereas in the north people still went hungry, and a class of intellectuals emerged.
But because of the massive imports of U.S. consumer goods little attention was paid to the development of a local economy, nor were any structural investments made for the further development of education, medical care and social services.
Bishop Pierre Martin Ngo Ding Thuc, a brother of the president who became the archbishop of Hue in 1960, used his position to strengthen the power of the Catholic Church which again became the major landowner of Vietnam. Only Catholics received promotions in the civil service and the military and were exempt from compulsory civil labor. And many Catholic entrepreneurs enjoyed tax reductions. Some priests turned to forced conversions and looted Buddhist pagodas. Others converted to Catholicism in function of their careers and some villages hoped to receive more government support through mass conversions. The new universities of Hue and Dalat were placed under Catholic authority and in 1959, Diem dedicated his country to Our Lady. In 1961, a quarter million believers made the pilgrimage to La Vang under the leadership of the president.
Anti-Communist campaign ran out of control
Focused on the geopolitical chessboard, the Americans hardly gave any consideration to the aspirations of the Vietnamese people. Nor did they have any historical insight. Without knowing their allies or their opponents, the Americans, as previously in Korea, wanted to go to war in Vietnam. From January 1955 they paid the wages of the South Vietnamese soldiers and four months later president Dwight D. Eisenhower sent military aid and advisers. The Military Assistance and Advisory Group (MAAG) steered the operation. Eisenhower however set a limit of seven hundred advisors. They trained the army that was plagued by corruption and lack of equipment and recruited 40,000 soldiers from the ethnic minorities of the Degar or Montagnards in the Central Highlands.
Also the 25,000-strong militia of the Coa Dai sect was incorporated in the South Vietnamese army. This militia was notorious for its guerrilla techniques. President Diem fitted within the U.S. plans for the development of a strong anti-communist South Vietnam. The well-equipped army was however poorly managed. Government troops regularly plundered and loyalty to Diem prevailed over effectiveness.
In the summer of 1955 the Denounce the communists campaign was aimed at the Vietminh who were still present in the countryside. The driving force of this campaign was Ngo Dinh Nhu, another brother of the president, who held no official position, but exercised great power behind the scenes together with his wife, Madame Nhu. Many remaining communist party cadres were eliminated, but the campaign did not fully succeed. A number of Buddhist monasteries, temples and pagodas became centers of resistance and communist units used them as weapon depots. They continued to operate autonomously in different parts of South Vietnam. Moreover, the campaign ran out of control. Many considered the intellectuals who had fled North Vietnam as covert Communists and in rural areas corrupt bureaucrats arrested innocent inhabitants who were denounced by jealous neighbors. Specially established Security Committees headed by provincial chiefs whom Diem had personally appointed sentenced the accused. 65,000 people were arrested and more than two thousand killed.
Lower secondary education in Saigon and Quang Tri
Education in South Vietnam was easily accessible. Each year, the government organized a national exam for all eleven year old children. Whoever passed the exam, received a certificate that allowed access to secondary education.
Nguygen Van Ly, who was one year ahead in elementary school, took this exam in 1957 at the age of ten. Since the birth register of Ba Binh had been lost during the war, his parents declared that he was born on 15 May 1946, thus enabling him to take the exam. He passed the exam with flying colors.
In September 1957, Van Ly and his brother Tri Nguyen Hong An arrived for the first time in the capital Saigon. There he started his secondary studies. After a short time he switched from the French training in Dac Lo Center to the Vietnamese program in the Nguyen Ba Tong school. In 1960 he continued his studies at the Sacred Heart College in Quang Tri, where he obtained his diploma of lower secondary education in 1963. From an early age Van Ly developed a strong character. During hour-long discussions with his peers, he was not looking for glory or fame, but he defended tooth and nail his own view of the world to which he was fully committed. Due to this harsh approach he was not the most popular pupil of the class.
Authoritarian regime
As time progressed, the bureaucracy, the growing corruption and erratic domestic politics were an ever bigger stain on the Diem regime. Because of his occasionally cruel approach the president created more enemies than the number of opponents he eliminated. The capstone of his increasingly authoritarian regime was the secret service under the leadership of Dr. Tran Kim Tuyen. In order to put a democratic veneer on his dictatorship and to please the Americans, Diem organized elections in August 1959 which he overwhelmingly won thanks to massive fraud. But the open letter of 26 April 1960 in which eighteen prominent nationalists, including several former ministers, called for reforms, led to a wave of terror. The signatories ended up behind bars, the newspapers of the opposition were banned and numerous journalists, students and intellectuals were accused of links with the Communists. Henceforth the publication of criticism of the government was banned. On 11 November 1960 a military coup against Diem failed.
Meanwhile, in September 1954, on the initiative of the U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, the United States, Britain, France, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand and Pakistan founded the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). This anti-communist military cooperation treaty guaranteed the independence of South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. But large neutral countries such as India and Indonesia did not adhere to SEATO. And in 1955, the Badgadpact, which in 1959 was transformed into the Central Treaty Organisation (Cento), became the link between NATO in the West and SEATO in the East. Turkey, Iraq (until 1959), Iran and Pakistan also were members. The Cento aimed to be a global military defense line around the Soviet Union. Finally, in 1967, on the initiative of the United States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the political counterpart of SEATO, was founded. In ASEAN, Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines joined forces against the expansion of the communist influence in Southeast Asia.
Ho Chi Minh route became a solid supply line
In the second half of the 1950s, the operational units of the Vietminh in South Vietnam and their supporting cadres were decimated but not destroyed. In North Vietnam Le Duan, the rising star in the Politburo, put the struggle for the reunification of Vietnam on top of the political agenda. The construction of a supply line through winding jungle paths from Hanoi to the Mekong Delta through the jungle of eastern Laos and southern Cambodia was crucial for supporting the resistance in the south.
That road is named after the historic leader Ho Chi Minh. Construction through the jungle was a challenge because of the geographical barriers, the presence of wild animals, the lack of drinking water, the oppressive heat, the humidity and the ubiquitous malaria, dysentery and other diseases. In 1957, after a journey of six months, the first armed company reached the Mekong Delta.
The North Vietnamese Minister of Infrastructure, Colonel Dong Si Nguyen, broadened the path to a solid supply line. Road construction machinery from China and the Soviet Union facilitated the construction of bridges and roads. And in anticipation of possible bombings underground logistics were established: barracks, hospitals, depots and fuel tanks. Teams of drivers, mechanics, radio operators, doctors and nurses made the transport of large troop units possible. The return via the Ho Chi Minh route of experienced cadres and militants who had migrated to the north after the Geneva Accords, gave the armed resistance in South Vietnam more backbone.
During the first phase, the communist resistance fighters tried to control the rural areas by sowing terror. They did this by raising taxes, compulsory deliveries of rice and agricultural products and the integration of abducted children as recruits in their army. Dressed in black pyjamas, they operated in the dead of night. Regular as clockwork they murdered or abducted representatives of the government and burned down their houses. In some regions, this happened so often that no one wanted to take responsibility anymore for anything. In the areas “liberated” by the Communists, including fifty villages in the province of Quang Ngai, taxes were levied, soldiers trained, defenses built and facilities in education and health care expanded.
In cities the communists fired automatic weapons and threw grenades or placed bombs in markets, restaurants and theaters. The main targets were police stations, railway stations, military installations and bars and restaurants frequented by American soldiers. The number of murdered South Vietnamese government representatives, often of lower rank, rose from 1,200 to four thousand per year. Also booby traps, pointy sticks, needles or nails smeared with feces in covered holes, claimed thousands of victims. When stepping or falling on these pointy sticks, needles or nails, one not only hurts one’s foot or leg, but one also risks blood poisoning. This cruel form of warfare maimed people without killing them.
National Liberation Front, or Vietcong
As from June 1958, the actions of the communist resistance were conducted in a coordinated way and in 1959, the COSVN headquarters that had been abolished five years earlier became operational again. The COSVN was placed under the leadership of General Nguyen Chi Thanh, who was a native of the north, and the Southerner Pham Hung. The headquarters were located in the middle of a rubber plantation near the border with Cambodia. In application of the decision of the Third Congress of the Communist Party of September 1960 aimed at the creation of a broad popular front for South Vietnam, three months later, on 19 and 20 December, the Mat Tran Dan Toc Giai Phong Mien Nam or the National Liberation Front (NLF) was founded in the jungle near the border with Cambodia.
This was commonly referred to as the Vietnamese communists or abbreviated to the Vietcong. This initial broad coalition represented the various political, religious and ethnic ideologies that opposed the regime of President Diem. The leadership was in the hands of people who did not publicly identify with the Communists. Like the Vietminh twenty years earlier, the Vietcong manifested itself as a nationalist movement that hoped to attract followers in broad layers of the population. After a few years it numbered about 250,000 to 300,000 followers and a million sympathizers, including 20,000 communists. But the latter kept strict control. The well-organized Vietcong also had a secret service, the An Ninh, and operated mainly from the province of Quang Ngai and the village of Ben Tre in the Mekong Delta.
Despite the direct directives of the government in Hanoi, the Vietcong retained a high degree of independence and charted its own course. Its government in exile was committed to a neutralist South Vietnamese coalition government that would negotiate with North Vietnam. However, from the outset the Diem government and the Americans considered the Vietcong as a pure communist front organization.
Strategic Village Plan failed
The cornerstone for the success of the Diem regime in the long term, was the support of the rural areas where 85 percent of the population lived. Many peasants secretly sympathized with the Communists. The stories about the redistribution of land in North Vietnam captivated the minds. In 1957 Diem also tried to implement a land reform but met with fierce opposition from the large landowners.
As an alternative, the government developed the Strategic Village Plan, a system copied from the British who had successfully applied a Village Plan in 1957 in their fight against the communist guerrillas in Malaysia. As from February 1962, this ambitious plan required the farmers to move to 11,000 new fortified villages, the agrovilles, with enclosures and watchtowers where the residents themselves were responsible for the defense. Through the concentration of farmers in armed fortresses, the government wanted to take the wind out of the sails of the Communists and to strengthen their hold on the countryside.
Of the some 8,000 hastily built Strategic Villages, over time only 1,500 were viable. The operation encountered resistance because of the forced nature of the policy, the distance to the land that had to be worked, the many controls and the forced payments. Many Catholic villages were favored, but in most places the shortage of equipment, agricultural equipment, seeds and weapons had the opposite effect. The main reason for this failure was, however, that this reform was at odds with the traditional social and economic life in the rural areas with its land-based ancestor worship. Nevertheless, the government pushed through its plan. In 1963, 8.5 million farmers had been forcibly moved to the unfinished and barely fortified villages.
By Decree 10/59, the Diem regime that gradually had lost its grip on events, authorized the security forces to arrest, sentence and execute suspected subversives. Moreover corruption and arbitrariness of the officials drove the farmers further into the arms of the Communists.
Under Kennedy, the United States sneaked into the war
On July 8, 1959, two American advisors died in a guerrilla attack by the Vietcong on the military headquarters of Bien Hoa, twenty miles northeast of Saigon. But President Eisenhower passed further decisions in this sensitive dossier on to his successor, John F. Kennedy, who took office in January 1960. Although Kennedy was personally opposed to the deployment of U.S. troops, under the influence of his Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, and Secretary of State Dean Rusk, the pressure for intervention increased. The MAAG of General Paul Harkins was from then on called Military Assistance Command (MACV), colloquially called Macvee. The Americans not only made helicopters and planes available, but also more advisers and instructors. That number rose to 3,200 in 1961 and to sixteen thousand in 1963.
U.S. helicopters were also deployed in the military operations of the South Vietnamese Army. C-123 transport aircraft secretly sprayed the jungle with chemical defoliants in order to expose the shelters of the Vietcong. Out of their feeling of superiority the Americans silently sneaked into the war. Imbued with a missionary zeal, like the French colonists a century earlier, they wanted to stem the "red peril" by basing the South Vietnamese society on western values. In doing so, they deceived not only their own public opinion, but also flagrantly violated the Geneva Accords. But the committee that monitored the implementation of the Geneva Accords watched helplessly.
In 1961, in response to the increasing American involvement, the communist armed units of the Vietcong united in the People's Liberation Army (PLAF). In the period 1959 to 1961, the number of guerrilla units increased to 15,000. Especially southerners who had been trained in northern Vietnam joined the PLAF. As of late 1962, the PLAF attacked positions with autonomous specialized units. Two years later, about thirty to forty battalions were already operational. They dug trenches and tunnels and bombarded the American helicopters with mortars and artillery. In 1962, ten thousand soldiers and for the first time heavy artillery units reached South Vietnam via the Ho Chi Minh route. And in January 1963 communist units near Ap Bac in the Mekong Delta, at forty miles from Saigon, crushed a ten times stronger division of the South Vietnamese army, despite the heavy deployment of U.S. helicopters.
Cambodia and Laos sucked into the conflict
In Cambodia the weak regime of the young prince Norodom Sihanouk was wedged between Thailand and Vietnam, two hated neighbors who in the course of history had repeatedly invaded the country. To avoid being sucked into the Vietnamese conflict Sihanouk initially worked together with the Americans and at the same time did not prevent the North Vietnamese from building the Ho Chi Minh Route on Cambodian territory. In response to the border crossings of South Vietnamese and American soldiers in 1958, Sihanouk established diplomatic relations with China. After a rightist rebellion led by Khmer Serei failed, relations with the United States turned sour when the Americans recruited soldiers from the Khmer Krom ethnic minority in South Vietnam.
After 1954, neighboring Laos remained a major strategic link for the United States. The Americans paid the entire budget of the royal army and from 1959, 428 advisors took care of their training. The communist insurgents of the Pathet Lao under the leadership of Prince Souphanouvong with the support of the Soviet Union and North Vietnam were a growing threat, while in the border area with South Vietnam the Ho Chi Minh route was being constructed. But as from 1960, the country fell prey to civil war. With the support of the CIA, a rightist regime came to power under the leadership of Prince Boun Oum and the royalist army of General Phoumi Nosavan chased the neutralist government of Prince Souvanna Phouma out of the capital Vientiane. An air bridge from the Soviet Union came too late, wereupon Phouma entered an alliance with the Pathet Lao. During the development of the pro-American regime in Laos, the Hmong tribe played an important role. The Hmong regarded the advance of the communists as a threat to their independence and their lucrative opium trade. In 1961, the Americans had trained and equipped ten thousand Hmong. And in the south of Laos the CIA recruited members from the Theung tribe to sabotage the Ho Chi Minh route.
In May 1961, fourteen countries, including the United States and the Soviet Union, participated in a conference in Geneva on the future of Laos. The agreement of 23 July 1962 installed a neutral coalition government headed by Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma in which both the Pathet Lao and the royalists participated. Also, all American, Soviet and North Vietnamese troops had to leave the country. As with the Geneva Accords of 1954, the situation was only defused, but it remained explosive. Both North Vietnam and the United States secretly continued to support their allies. Partly due to the bad functioning of the government the war spread further. With American air support the Hmong soldiers sabotaged the positions and supply lines of the communists during the rainy season, while the latter conquered the Hmong villages during the dry season.
To the Minor Seminary in Hue
The flourishing parish La Vang Center counted several vocations. On June 27, 1963, a few days before the start of the school holidays, and on the advice of priest Cao Dinh Thuan, Nguyen Van Ly went to the Minor Seminary Hoan Thien Hue. After having passed the entrance exam he was accepted as a seminarian. The much loved director, Francois Xavier Nguyen Van Thuan, acted as the spiritual leader of the seminarians. Nguyen Nhu Tu, the parish priest of La Vang Centre, also guided Van Ly in his religious vocation. For his parents this was an honor. As staunch Catholics, offering of a child to the church was a form of extreme obedience.
The seminarians lived in halls of forty persons. During daytime Van Ly completed the higher cycle of his secondary studies at the Institute of Providence, Thien Truong Huu, five hundred meters from the Minor Seminary. This institution was both a college and a high school and was also managed by the Archdiocese of Hue. Here many children of senior officials, lawyers and doctors, attended school. The Minor Seminary provided a dual education. In the first section, the lessons were given in French. Most seminarians followed this old style religious training. For the priests who belonged to the social elite French was still the preferred language.
In addition, Vietnamese priest training was also given. This training was less conservative and elitist because of the daily contact with ordinary Vietnamese who also followed this course. Van Ly attended lessons in the second section because his knowledge of French was inadequate. Each class consisted of about sixty students. French missionaries as well as diocesan Vietnamese priests taught in the school.
In the seminar, Van Ly met again with his childhood friend Dang Nguyen Truc, but the latter attended the lessons in the French section. Since his stay in Saigon and Quang Tri, Van Ly had seen much more of the world than his peers. He knew the social issues better than the other students and he did not exclusively focus on the religious angle. He belonged to the 'late vocations', because most seminarians entered the school at the age of eleven.
Van Ly who as a seminarian was exempted from military service, was dismayed how in the second half of the 1960s the military conflict had accelerated. With horror he reacted to the often senseless violence and the deaths of so many innocent victims. But that was all part of the irreversible harsh reality. Van Ly grew up on the edge of the war zone. Both La Vang and the city of Hue were located near the demilitarized zone and almost every day bombings and shootings took place. For example, one risked one’s life by going from Hue to La Vang through the provincial capital Quang Tri, because almost every day sabotage actions or incidents that regularly claimed deaths took place along that road. Because the train link was interrupted, he took the bus. Van Ly and most seminarians sympathized with the Americans. Indeed, they threw a barrier against the dreaded Communists.
President Diem killed
Although in the United States the conviction grew that the war could not be won with Diem, in the absence of an alternative he still got American support. However the increasing militarization strengthened the President in his belief that the country was heading for a conventional war, so that he did not see any reason to introduce any more political, economic and social reforms. After a failed attack on the presidential palace in February 1962, Diem relied on his brother Ngo Ding Nhu and his wife. To protect the traditional values, polygamy, concubinage, abortion, use of contraceptives, beauty contests and boxing camps were prohibited. A stricter divorce law was implemented and nightclubs closed their doors.
On May 8, 1963, the Catholic police chief of Hue forbade the Buddhists to hang out their flags during the celebration of Vesak, the birthday of Buddha, while a week earlier, Catholics had been encouraged to let the yellow-white flag of the Vatican be flown at the celebration of the 25-year episcopate of Archbishop Thuc Ngo Ding. Traditionally Hue had a strong Buddhist presence and a high concentration of monasteries. During a peaceful demonstration by thousands of Buddhists, one woman and eight children were shot by the police or trampled by the crowd. The television images of the harsh police actions were watched by the whole world. After the government blamed the Vietcong, mass demonstrations were held across the country. And the refusal of the president to punish those responsible for the killings made the people even more angry. When on June 11, 1963, monk Thich Quang Duc set himself on fire in downtown Saigon, the picture of the suicide was published on the front pages of newspapers around the world. In the first half of August, four monks followed his example. On August 20, the president announced the state of emergency, and had four hundred monks and nuns arrested in the Xa Loi Temple in Saigon, the most important Buddhist shrine.
Under the leadership of Ngo Ding Nhu, the brother of the president, the repression intensified in Saigon. Even children who distributed pamphlets against the government or painted slogans on walls ended up behind bars. The demonstrations at the University of Saigon led to four thousand arrests, after which it closed its doors. Ngo Ding Nhu however played a double game. He wanted to negotiate in secret in India with envoys from Ho Chi Minh on the neutralization of South Vietnam and the withdrawal of the Americans. President Kennedy favored that plan, but with the support of the CIA and the new U.S. ambassador in Saigon, Henry Cabot-Lodge, a coup took place and President Diem and his brother Nhu were executed on November 1, 1963.
Three weeks later, on November 22, 1963, President Kennedy underwent the same fate. Under his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, a withdrawal from Vietnam was no longer an option. He was under pressure from the anti-communist discourse of Senator Barry Goldwater, his Republican opposition candidate in the presidential elections of November 1964.
Benefiting from discord between the Soviet Union and China
For Le Duan, Le Duc Tho and Nguyen Chi Tranh, the rising stars in the Politburo of the Communist Party in North Vietnam, the assassination of Diem was the signal to increase support to the Vietcong and its military wing, the People's Liberation Army, or PLAF. According to them, Vietnam could still be united before a U.S. intervention would occur. But despite the territorial gains this was still far from reality, because they could not win the battle on their own. The regime sought support in both the Soviet Union and China for the struggle of communism against the West. But within the communist bloc discord grew. The conferences of the Communist leaders of 1957 and 1960 confirmed the role of the Soviet Union as a "beacon of the world communist movement," but tension with China grew.
Ho Chi Minh trusted neither of the two communist powers. He played the card of those who best served his interests. The destalinization and the liberalization policy of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was a thorn in the eye for many Vietnamese hardliners. The body of Stalin was removed from the Lenin Mausoleum in Moscow. When the Soviet Union no longer supplied arms, the pro-Chinese faction around Truong Chinh got the upper hand in the period 1960-1965. In 1963, Mao promised to defend North Vietnam in case of an American attack. Nevertheless, even with this hereditary enemy the relations were tense. With the Korean War still fresh in its memory China was not keen on a direct confrontation with the superior military technology of the U.S. Army. Moreover a protracted war would have been an advantage for China because this would weaken the position of North Vietnam. After the fall of Nikita Khrushchev in October 1964, the return to the hard line under the new party leader Leonid Brezhnev led to the resumption of aid to North Vietnam.
South Vietnamese government sank into lethargy
Saigon welcomed the fall of the Diem regime. Portraits and slogans of the assassinated president were torn and political prisoners left prison. The nightclubs reopened their doors and many farmers left the Strategic Villages and returned to their ancestral land. Archbishop Ngo Ding Thuc, Diem's brother, who was in Rome for the Second Vatican Council, went into exile.
According to the Americans, South Vietnam needed leadership, discipline and cohesion, but the political system did not work that way. President Lyndon B. Johnson's fear that the disappearance of Diem would worsen the situation, came to be true. The twelve members of the Revolutionary Council would not compromise, but only strengthen their own position. And the Chairman of the Board, General Duong Van Minh, aka "Big Minh", refused to take the final responsibility. The replacement of confidants of the former president in the army and administration by inexperienced friends of the new rulers strengthened the commitment to personal gain and corruption.
The country sank into lethargy, but the coup of General Nguyen Khanh on 30 January 1964 brought little improvement. The composition of the government changed at every turn, but always the same faces made their appearance. However, with each change, the prestige and influence of the regime waned and demonstrations by students and Buddhist monks became even more frequent. The triumvirate Nguyen Khanh, Duong Van Minh and General Tranh Thien Khiem Nor did not bring any change either. And after a failed coup on 13 September 1964, Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky and a number of young officers took control of the government. But they, too, could not get the economy back on track and did not find a solution to the huge social needs. Because of this continuing deadlock, Vietcong infiltrators penetrated the highest circles of the army, the police and the government.
Americanization of the conflict
During a visit to Vietnam in December 1963, the U.S. Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, noted that the military situation had worsened. The Vietcong had conquered land and occupied many abandoned Strategic Villages while the South Vietnamese army constantly lost weapons.
Secretary of State Dean Rusk, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Maxwell Taylor, and the national security adviser, McGeorge Bundy, also believed that only an Americanization of the conflict could turn the tide. In 1964, the number of military advisers increased to 23,300. They were responsible for the training of 600,000 soldiers, the development of a secret intelligence network, and destabilizing actions in North Vietnam. The South Vietnamese army had outstanding units like the marines and airborne divisions, but a large part was ineffective and demoralized by the small wages, food shortages and corruption. The United States supported training in agriculture, education and health care. American money became the mainstay of the economy.
Ambassador Lodge was replaced by General Maxwell Taylor and on June 20, 1964, General William C. Westmoreland replaced Paul Harkins as commander of Macvee, the American troops in Vietnam. As a result of the Tonkin incident, war came awfully close. On August 1, 1964, North Vietnamese patrol boats in the Gulf of Tonkin attacked the American destroyer and espionage boat USS Maddox. And on August 4, 1964, a second attack, however, never took place. The Americans decided to act more vigorously. In retaliation they bombed four bases and an oil depot in North Vietnam. Without a declaration of war, and therefore in violation of the U.S. Constitution, the U.S. Congress authorized President Johnson on August 7, 1964, "to take all necessary steps, including the deployment of the armed forces" in South East Asia.
Escalation seemed inevitable. Against the superior American tanks, heavy artillery and helicopters, the Vietcong had mortars and anti-aircraft guns from China and the Soviet Union that were transported via the Ho Chi Minh Route, or looted from the South Vietnamese. In 1964 the army of the Vietcong grew into a force of 170,000 men including fifty hardcore battalions of altogether 30,000 elite units. Experienced communist officers, including the legendary General Tran Do, were responsible for the training. On 1 November 1964, the Vietcong destroyed six B-57 bombers, damaged twenty aircraft, and set fuel depots on fire on the military base of Bien Hoa near Saigon. And on Christmas Eve 1964, a bomb in the Brink hotel, where many American officers stayed, claimed two dead and 51 wounded. By striking at the heart of the heavily armed capital, the Vietcong exposed the vulnerability of U.S. forces and made it clear to the population that they could not count on the Americans for their safety. On December 28, 1964, more than a thousand Vietcong soldiers occupied for eight hours the village of Binh Gia, a Catholic village forty miles southeast of Saigon. Never before had they operated in such large numbers and that deep in South Vietnam. By virtue of their unpredictable, fast and flexible action, the Vietcong hit hard and turned the war to their advantage. By the end of 1964, already two hundred American soldiers had been killed.
After his election on November 3, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson believed that only a direct military intervention could stop the communist takeover of South Vietnam. From a macho behavior, overconfidence and a fear of loss of prestige and credibility - Johnson did not want to be the first American president to lose a war - he made available more manpower, money and equipment. He compared the gradual escalation of the war with the seduction of a woman: "I'm going up her leg an inch at the time." Even before the Second Indochina War erupted, Sithu U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, was still searching for a diplomatic solution. But the Americans showed U Thant the door twice without even knowing the contents of the North Vietnamese proposal. The U.S. president and his top advisers did not want a diplomatic solution.
3. United States lost the Second Indochina War (1965-1975)
American high technology
The night of 6 to 7 February 1965 marked the beginning of the Second Indochina War which the Vietnamese call the American War. In an attack by the Vietcong against the military base near Pleiku in the Central Highlands nine Americans were killed and 126 wounded, and the air fleet of transport and surveillance planes was destroyed. In retaliation the USA bombed army camps in North Vietnam and on February 24, 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson gave the green light for the operation Rolling Thunder. Incessantly logistical targets such as bridges, railways, oil depots, military bases and supply convoys were attacked.
The Macvee of commander William C. Westmoreland had all the military power in South Vietnam. The Minister of Defense, Robert McNamara, reported to President Johnson after a mission in early March 1965 that the Vietcong controlled forty percent of the territory. In the provinces of Long An and Kien Tuong near Saigon, they even controlled ninety percent. The South Vietnamese Army suffered massive desertion, but the weakest link was the government. Due to the political instability, the apathy and indifference of the population increased.
President Johnson approved McNamara’s plan for a total war with the deployment of American soldiers and the most modern military equipment. Two battalions of 3,500 U.S. Marines protected the naval base in Da Nang near the border with North Vietnam. The first GIs, an abbreviation of "Government Issue" or "John Soldier", the popular name of the American soldiers, landed in early March 1965. At the request of Westmoreland , President Johnson sent an additional 44,000 soldiers on July 27, 1965, and at the end of 1965 184,000 Americans were stationed in Vietnam. The following years contingents from South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand, with a maximum capacity of 71,000 troops, completed the U.S. forces in their struggle for Chinh nghia or "the good cause" as the Western propaganda wanted everyone to believe.
With their superior mobility and firepower the Americans crushed numerous units of the People's Liberation Army during search-and-destroy missions. The aircraft arsenal of F-4 Phantoms, F8 Crusaders, A-6 Intruders, A1E Skyraiders, Cessna A-37 and F-105 Thunderbird Chiefs was outfitted with electronic equipment. And because of their maneuverability, the mobile gunship helicopters AH-1G and UH-1B were very effective. The B-52 bombers and C-130 transport planes supported the troop movements. The helicopters and planes operated from military bases and aircraft carriers. The war in Vietnam developed into a military laboratory for the development of guided bombs, night watch technology and sensors that registered movements of troops and trucks. Besides cluster, phosphorous and napalm bombs the defoliant Agent Orange was massively used. One C-123 unit could defoliate 120 ha in a few minutes.
But U.S. ground forces did not have it easy. They carried backpacks of 10-14 kilogram in temperatures of forty degrees or more and with a humidity of 90 percent. And during the rainy season, the terrain changed into an impassable mud slurry. The soldiers were powerless against the poisonous snakes, scorpions, ants, ticks and insect attacks. Landmines and booby traps claimed eleven percent of U.S. casualties. The base camps did however have a logistics staff, cooks, mechanics and the most sophisticated medical assistance.
Getting a share of American prosperity
With an economic and social program the Americans wanted to win over the South Vietnamese people. Massive public works took place and as from 1967 one million tons of American aid supplies arrived every month in the new port of Saigon.
However, the resurgence of the war caused an influx of refugees. The farmers that the Americans needed in order to counter the Vietcong in the rural areas massively fled to the cities. Four million South Vietnamese, a quarter of the population, survived in the slums of Saigon, Da Nang, Bien Hoa and Vung Tau. These slums grew into hotbeds of dysentery and malaria and undermined the already fragile stability of society. The population faced a hopeless dilemma. On the one hand there was a growing aversion for the Americans and the corrupt South Vietnamese regime, while on the other hand communism continued to instill fear.
The gap between rich and poor deepened, but the children of impoverished migrants drifted with the stream of American prosperity. Consumer goods were flooding the country and Saigon became a city of low moral values. In bars, night clubs, massage parlors and brothels girls earned more in a week than their parents earned with years of toil on the land. As a result of corruption anyone could get a share of the money and the higher the rank, the greater the involvement. In parliament political intrigue and bribery were everyday events. And the flourishing drug trade had ramifications into the circles of Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky and his successor, General Tran Thien Khiem. On the black market, stolen American beer, cigarettes, shampoo and even passports, guns, ammunition, helmets and bulletproof vests were for sale. Even the security cameras that the Americans wanted to put in the military depots disappeared.
Due to an inflation of six hundred percent in the period 1963-1970, the piastre, the South Vietnamese money, was hardly worth anything and the U.S. dollar became the common currency. The live-in Vietnamese girlfriends of U.S. soldiers first brought their mother in the American’s home, then the children of their deceased sister and finally their "brother", often their real lover.
Cao Ky and Van Thieu seized power
After another coup in June 1965, Air Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky became Prime Minister and the Catholic General Nguyen Van Thieu became president. But even now not the slightest obstacle was put in the way of the USA by the South Vietnamese government. Unlike the Chinese and the French, the Americans did not want to loot Vietnam, but they wanted to build a front post in a global ideological struggle against the "communist aggression". Unlike the French, who brought their rich culture, even many resistance fighters were Francophiles, the Americans introduced a flat materialism and consumerism.
Again Buddhists took the lead in the resistance. In 1964 eleven Buddhist organizations formed the United Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV). Such a structure is a contradictio in terminis because it is at odds with the nature of Buddhism. It is not a religion, but a philosophical movement that cannot be organized in structures. However, mass demonstrations and a couple of self-immolations of Buddhists led to harsh repression. The arrested opposition figures were accused of violating Article 4 of the Constitution. The Constitution outlawed the Communist Party and every communist activity. Because of this the detainees lost every legal protection and stayed behind bars indefinitely. Secret Security Committees were in charge of sentencing in every city and province.
In order to increase the legitimacy of the South Vietnamese government, elections were held on 31 October 1967 in the areas that the government controlled. However, popular Buddhist candidates and peace activists were not allowed to run for office and strict press censorship was imposed during the campaign. Moreover, the outcome was a foregone conclusion, because the eternal rivals Nguyen Van Thieu and Nguyen Cao Ky had already divided the posts. They remained respectively president and vice president. Yet they only got 35 percent of the vote despite widespread fraud.
Rolling Thunder did not force North Vietnam to its knees
The American bombing in the context of the operation Rolling Thunder did not hit North Vietnam in its heart. During an American raid on Base 353, the COSVN headquarters of the Vietcong that the Americans located after a long search, everyone had gone with the wind. This was made possible because the intelligence services of the Soviet Union relayed information on the departure of the B-52 bombers that flew in from the bases in Okinawa and Guam. And with Soviet-made radar systems and control centers the army monitored aircraft that took off from the four U.S. military bases in Thailand. Despite their devastating effect, and to the frustration of the Americans, the bombing did not destroy the military capacity nor the economy or the North Vietnamese logistics network. The bunkers could withstand bombs that fell up to a hundred meters away. The Communists stored oil in their rice fields, in the jungle or in underground tunnels. Furthermore they decentralized the administration and evacuated thousands of residents from the cities. Factories, schools and offices were resurrected in areas that were less bombed.
The vital railway line to China was continually repaired. Also strategic destroyed bridges were rebuilt. Four thousand Soviet technicians helped improve the infrastructure and the construction of small power plants. The landing of troops and equipment to the South via the Ho Chi Minh route therefore never stopped, nor did the bombing weaken the morale of the population. Quite the contrary happened. The North Vietnamese antiaircraft guns shot down nine hundred American planes. This led to the capture of 356 American airmen.
The unconventional war became a war of attrition
In government circles in Hanoi, the U.S. intervention led to a controversy. The Soviet faction advocated the infiltration of more North Vietnamese troops in the south, while the China-faction stood for a more moderate approach. The latter weighed heavily because China massively donated equipment and food. The PLAF, the People's Liberation Army of General Nguyen Chi Thanh, counted 220,000 soldiers, half of which were guerrilla fighters and half were regular army units. Their military actions were aimed at the weakest areas of the South Vietnamese regime. On 11 May 1965 guerrilla fighters surprised the town of Songbe, the capital of the province of Phuoc Long, fifty miles north of Saigon near the Cambodian border. Then they destroyed the city of Dong Xoai, the headquarters of the South Vietnamese army of the province of Phuonc Long. And near the city of Quang Ngai two of the best South Vietnamese mobile units were eliminated. The generalization of the hit and run guerilla tactics was aimed at exhausting the Americans. In the period 1966-1969 the Communists committed 18,000 murders and 26,000 people were abducted.
With varying success the People's Liberation Army attacked South Vietnamese and American patrols with mines and booby traps in ambushes. But during the Ceder Falls operation from 8 to 26 January 1967, sixteen thousand Americans and as many South Vietnamese soldiers conquered the "iron triangle" northwest of Saigon, a stronghold that the Viet Minh had built up during the war against France. After the evacuation of ten thousand citizens, the four main villages were bombed out of existence. The Vietcong took refuge in Cambodia, but shortly afterwards they rebuilt the stronghold, because the Americans and their allies could not hold on to the area that they had conquered.
The Second Indochina War was not a conventional war, but a war of attrition. General Giap, the chief of the North Vietnamese forces, was convinced that the Americans, as previously happened to the French, would lose their patience when battles were fought for a long time. Therefore, it was crucial to maintain the morale of his troops and to mobilize ever new soldiers, because as a result of the unequal firepower for every American thirteen communist soldiers were killed.
Even the newest Soviet-made weapons such as the MIG 17, 19 and 21, could not compete with the American firepower. In a military strike on the Van Truong peninsula 614 PLAF fighters were killed against 45 Americans. Every year one hundred thousand North Vietnamese replaced the fallen soldiers of the People's Liberation Army. This war required the mobilization of the entire population of North Vietnam. All young men enlisted in the army, while women worked in industry and agriculture.
Within the tightly organized People's Liberation Army seasoned revolutionaries played a key role. Many had even fought against the French. These confessors and ideological mentors were loyal, trustworthy, honest, courteous and friendly. Unlike the privileged caste of the South Vietnamese officers, the officers of the People's Liberation Army ate and slept with their soldiers, fought on their side and endured all the trials together. They adopted the Chinese method of criticism and self-criticism which strengthened relationships. Informers and traitors were summarily executed and anyone who mistreated the inhabitants was punished. All units operated collectively and the wounded were never left behind.
Invisible underground tunnels in Cu Chi
The war became grimmer each year. The Tiger Force platoon, a small elite unit of 45 American paratroopers, left a trail of death and destruction between May and November 1967 in the Song Ve Valley in the central highlands. The unit killed hundreds of unarmed civilians in dozens of villages, threw grenades into bunkers with women and children, and cut off the ears of their victims as trophies, wearing them around their necks as necklaces. But despite the flagrant violation of the Geneva Convention which protects civilians in time of war, these war crimes remained unpunished.
An important secret weapon of the Vietcong and the People's Liberation Army was the hidden network of underground tunnels. These ran over a distance of hundreds of kilometers from the border with Cambodia to the wider area of Saigon. The soft, clay-like soil made it possible to dig stable tunnels in the rainy season. In Cu Chi at forty kilometers from Saigon a tunnel connected different villages. The network that the Vietminh had already dug during the French occupation, expanded into a tunnel complex of 254 km. The tunnels had ventilation openings and the lower galleries served as storage room for weapons and food, training room and operation room. The chimneys of the kitchens were re-routed kilometers away with tubes in order deceive the enemy. The Americans did not discover all tunnels of the network. However, 14,000 civilians and 10,400 soldiers died when parts of the tunnel complex were bombed.
Although the landscape around Cu Chi became a desert full of bomb craters, the underground bastion remained the hub for espionage missions, infiltrations and surprise attacks in Saigon.
The entrances to the tunnels were located in a hole, a shaft hidden in a hut, or in the water. Whenever the Americans exposed a corridor, the guerrillas had already long disappeared. Explosives had little effect because of the many curves. And the same applied to the use of plows and bulldozers. Also pumping poison gas did not have any effect because of the doors and water locks in the tunnels. When the deployment of shepherd dogs turned out to be unsuccessful, the U.S. Army trained small soldiers as tunnel rats. But in the defense of the corridors the Vietcong used poisonous snakes, spiders and booby traps and they also build nooks and crannies.
Fighting on several fronts
Despite the supply of U.S. military reinforcements, the Communists further penetrated South Vietnam. This was achieved by the continuous supply of weapons, ammunition, supplies and soldiers via the Ho Chi Minh route. That number rose every month from some 1,500 in 1965 to 4,500 in 1966 and 6,000 in 1967. Especially due to illness ten to twenty percent of the soldiers who left the north did not reach the south. The Americans could not cut the supply line because it partly ran on the territory of Laos. And the Geneva Accord of 1962 prohibited any foreign interference in that neutral country, despite the infiltration of the border area by North Vietnamese soldiers.
The weather detection and radar guidance system that the United States built on top of the Phu Pha Thi mountain in the north of Laos in 1966, guided the bombers during covert bombings of that country.
The communists dreamed of overthrowing the South Vietnamese government and driving the Americans out of the country before the death of the aged Ho Chi Minh. But in order to counter the infiltration of North Vietnamese troops, the U.S. military strengthened the surveillance along the 257-kilometer demilitarized zone at the 17th parallel. In a first phase, fire support bases were established. These command posts on higher grounds were surrounded by barbed wire and a minefield and equipped with machine guns, howitzers, mortars and cannons. And in 1967 began the construction of the McNamara Line, named after the U.S. Secretary of Defense. But construction of the defensive belt with fences and watchtowers and ultramodern electronic sensing equipment progressed slowly due to the frequent shelling. When the project was shut down in 1968, only fifteen kilometres was constructed.
The defense of the Mekong Delta was another U.S. priority. Because of the rice culture, the Mekong Delta was crucial for the food supply of Saigon. In the region around the capital resided almost half of the South Vietnamese population. With thousands of kilometers of rivers and meandering streams and millions of rice fields, the delta had over the years become a stronghold of the Vietcong. Bunker complexes were hidden in some dikes and mines and booby traps were everywhere. Moreover, the water was teeming with snakes and ticks. As from 1965, U.S. patrol boats largely regained control and the Vietcong withdrew to their bases in Cambodia. In 1967, 400,000 vessels destroyed two thousand enemy boats and killed or captured 1,300 Vietcong fighters. Minesweepers disarmed tens of thousands of explosives.
The increase of the war activities led to an increase in the number of captured Vietcong and South Vietnamese suspected of having secretly joined the ranks of the maquis or the resistance. The latter endured months of torture and humiliation. When someone confessed, a new wave of arrests followed. South Vietnam sank into a spiral of violence and death, because anyone who confessed was in turn eliminated by the Vietcong for treason. Because prisons were bursting at the seams, from 1965 new camps were established in Bien Hoa, Pleiku, Da Nang and Can Tho. U.S. consultants assisted the South Vietnamese military police.
Growing opposition in the United States
In late 1966, 400,000 U.S. troops were stationed in South Vietnam and a year later almost half a million. The Navy was responsible for the logistic support of that immense force. Two regiments built schools, bridges, roads, ports and depots. Quang Tri, the northernmost province of South Vietnam, grew from October 1966 to become the center of the American army. On the other side of the demilitarized zone was a large North Vietnamese troop concentration, but little fighting took place in the area. Besides, there were no front lines during the Second Indochina War. The People's Liberation Army could strike anywhere. And who was your friend or foe?
The cost of the war for the United States increased in 1967 from eleven to seventeen billion dollar or three percent of the gross domestic product (GDP). During the Second World War, that figure was 48 percent and twelve percent during the Korean War. The supreme command Macvee requested ever more soldiers and in the United States an increase in taxes seemed inevitable. As the war progressed, so did the number of U.S. casualties. For example three hundred soldiers were killed in an encounter in the jungle of the Ia Drang Valley near Pleiku. By the end of 1966, more than six thousand Americans had died, and in 1967 another nine thousand were killed. The main concern of the American conscripts was their survival.
Because of the almost daily broadcast of shocking television images, public aversion to the war grew. The magazines Time and Life and newspapers such as The New York Times and The Washington Post became more critical in their reporting. Did the Americans support a corrupt dictatorship that got less and less sympathy from the locals? Following the example of Buddhist monks in Vietnam, two young Americans immolated themselves in front of the Pentagon, the headquarters of the U.S. Department of Defense in Washington, and in front of the headquarters of the United Nations in New York. On 17 April 1965, a first national demonstration of 15,000 people in Washington, was followed by protests on the campuses of universities throughout the country, because many graduates were conscripted for military service in Vietnam. Moreover, also trade unions, women's organizations and many intellectuals increasingly took a stand against the war.
While in November 1966 in the Polish capital Warsaw secret talks were held to reach a diplomatic solution, the war continued unabated. In February 1967, Robert Kennedy, the brother of the assassinated president, opposed the Vietnam policy of Johnson. On October 21, 1967, 75,000 people marched in protest to the Lincoln Memorial in Washington DC.
Major Seminary in Hue
In 1966, Nguyen Van Ly attended the Major Seminary Saint-Sulpice Phu Xuan in Hue. The curriculum took eight years to complete and consisted of two years of Philosophy, four years of Theology and two years of internship. The seminar was bursting at the seams, but also because of the high level of education only ten percent of the seminary students were ordained. An inspiring example for Van Ly was Marcel Nguyen Tan Van, better known as Brother Van. This spiritual brother of St. Theresa of Lisieux took holy orders in 1954 at the age of 26 within the convent of the Redemptorists in Hanoi. But one year later followed his arrest, and he was sentenced to fifteen years hard labor in a reeducation camp. After four years of torture, brainwashing and imprisonment in solitary confinement, he died of tuberculosis in the camp Yen Binh 2 near Hanoi on July 10, 1959.
A tight schedule was adhered to in the small seminar. The seminarians woke up at five o'clock in the morning and after the celebration of the Mass and meditation followed breakfast, one hour study and four hours of lessons. Lunch was followed by a siesta, one hour study and again four hours of lessons. Then they played football for an hour, took a bath, ate supper, attended the evening service at the church, studied some more and went to bed. Despite the open atmosphere it was a disciplined life. The large number of candidates made a rigorous selection possible. For example one was only allowed to speak after breakfast and during recreation.
With his outspoken character, Van Ly was a maverick in the Major Seminary. Because he spoke in a higher tone than his peers, one could hear him from afar. He had his own way of thinking which did not make him very popular with his fellow students. He followed his own reasoning when discussing numerous philosophical and theological issues. He revised his position only after hearing a convincing argument. Because his temperament absorbed all his concentration and attention, he could hardly relax. Van Ly lived one hundred percent for his case and was consistent in his actions. Even during movie screenings he could not help but openly comment. And when someone hurt him personally, he burst into tears. The open vision of Van Ly sometimes collided with the strict training in the seminary.
Servant of the poor
During the holidays of 1968, Van Ly helped the Nhom vao doi or Engagement in Life group in Saigon. Inspired by the spirituality of Charles de Foucauld, this group of priest-workers lived among the poor. This radical implementation of the gospel is in line with his character. Out of his strong inner conviction based on prayer he did not want to make a career, he wanted to be near the poor as a humble servant. He made a living out of the itinerant sale of goods and the transport of goods by bike. And he shared his income with the poor. When one day at a police check he was not in possession of his papers he was transferred to the recruitment center of the South Vietnamese army, in accordance with the law. He was only released because of the intervention of his elder brother, San Nguyen, who worked for the State Security in Saigon. In his spare time Van Ly studied astronomy and acquired an in-depth knowledge in that field. "I remember him as a tall, good-looking and eloquent young man," recalled his classmate Peter Phan Van Loi. Eloquence which came to him in good stead when in the academic year 1972-1973, he became the secretary and spokesman of the newly formed student council. From 1972 to 1974, Van Ly did his internship with the Engagement in Life group as well as with the Hui Thua sai or the Association of Missionaries in Saigon. During that period, his brothers and sisters found their own way. Tri Nguyen Hong An enlisted in the police force and his youngest sister Nguyen Tri Hieu became a nurse.
Surprise offensive during Tet celebrations
Deploying 130 mm field guns M46, the latest Soviet-made heavy military equipment, the People's Liberation Army changed its tactics. As from September 1967, the isolated garrisons on the border with Laos and Cambodia were in the crosshairs. After Con Thien, an outpost of the McNamara line, the cities of Locninh and Songbe were conquered. And in November 1967, in the jungle near Dakto, the hitherto largest battle of the Second Indochina War took place.
Shortly afterwards followed the Battle of Khe Sanh near the Laotian border. With massive logistical support and bombing, the Americans wanted to avoid a repeat of the 1954 battle of Dien Bien Phu. The People's Liberation Army ceased fighting, but laid siege to the city. The hidden agenda consisted in luring the Americans from the densely populated centers, in order to launch a surprise attack on these centers. The Vietcong was indeed convinced that a spontaneous popular uprising in South Vietnam would compel the Americans to leave.
Like each year, on 30 January 1968, during the national holiday of Tet Nguyen Dan a truce was in force. But during the traditional fireworks display, the People's Liberation Army launched an offensive aimed at the heart of the South Vietnamese regime and the Americans. In the five largest cities, in 36 provincial capitals, 64 district capitals and numerous villages, 84,000 soldiers simultaneously attacked barracks, police stations, government buildings and military posts. In the capital Saigon the presidential palace was partly destroyed and in a bold attack the ultra modern American embassy was under fire. The attacks were accompanied by the indiscriminate slaughter of government officials, teachers, foreigners and missionaries, the destruction of large quantities of arms, ammunition and equipment, and the elimination of several elite units. In addition to the occupation of the northern provincial capital of Quang Tri, the conquest of the former imperial capital of Hue was the icing on the cake. Based on lists made up by the intelligence services of the Vietcong, the estimated twelve thousand infiltrated communist fighters captured on 196 sites 3,500 soldiers, officials, members of political parties, religious leaders, foreigners and Vietnamese who collaborated with the regime. Anyone who resisted was summarily executed. All others were executed, burned alive or bound by hands and feet and dumped in mass graves. In addition, many lower officials ended up in reeducation camps in North Vietnam. Also four hundred Catholics who sought refuge in Phu Cam, the new cathedral completed in 1967 in the district of Phuoc Vinh, were deported and murdered. However, in Hue as well as in other places, the local population did not support the invaders. But the Massacre of Hue caused a psychological reversal. In the South, people began to realize that the Vietcong could kill anyone who collaborated with the South Vietnamese and the Americans.
During the Tet celebrations Nguyen Van Ly stayed in the capital Saigon with his childhood friend Truc Nguyen Dang. He experienced little of the attacks. But the next day he saw the trucks drive off with the corpses of the American and South Vietnamese soldiers who were murdered by the People's Liberation Army. That was a terrible experience for him. On the way home he stayed with Father Nguyen Nhu Tu, the former parish priest of La Vang Center, who now was in charge of the parish of My Chang.
Decimated Vietcong psychological winner
The surprised Americans and South Vietnamese immediately counterattacked. The photo that showed General Nguyen Ngoc Loan, chief of the South Vietnamese National Police, executing a flinching prisoner with his revolver without showing any emotion, flashed around the world. On March 16, 1968 American soldiers of the Eleventh Brigade of the Charlie Company murdered in a fit of rage 450 elderly men, women and children at My Lai in Quang Ngai province. The case remained under wraps for one year until thirteen soldiers faced the court after many articles about the massacre were published in the press. William Calley, the Lieutenant responsible for the massacre was sentenced to twenty years in prison, but only stayed behind bars for three days. The recapture of Hue lasted 26 days.
The Battle of Hue was fought with heavy bombing that damaged parts of the Forbidden City. During the urban guerrilla forty percent of the homes were destroyed. 116,000 of the 140,000 residents became homeless and 5,800 were killed or missing.
The death toll of the Tet offensive and the subsequent retaliation amounted to two thousand Americans, four thousand South Vietnamese and 57,000 fighters of the People's Liberation Army, which decimated the Vietcong. In the short term, the Americans and South Vietnamese strengthened their military position. In the Mekong Delta they controlled the area north of Saigon to the Gulf of Thailand and on 8 April 1968, after 77 days, the siege of Khe Sanh ended. But they could not hold the ground they had gained. Despite the lack of a popular uprising, North Vietnam and the Vietcong were the psychological winners. Besides once again exposing the weaknesses of the Americans, it appeared that South Vietnam’s survival was impossible without their support. And in the United States, the anti-Vietnam movement was strengthened in the run up to the presidential elections in November 1968. The public realized that winning the war at a reasonable cost was no longer possible. And the fact that nobody had seen this operation coming, illustrated how badly the CIA worked. More and more people were questioning the positive war coverage and Senator Eugene McCarthy, a staunch opponent of the war, was a candidate against Johnson for the Democratic nomination for the presidential elections.
The Minister of Defense, Robert McNamara, one of the architects of the Vietnam War, moved to the World Bank and was succeeded by Clark Clifford. And on June 11, 1968 Creighton Abrams took over the command of Macvee from William Westmoreland.
Although the number of U.S. troops in Vietnam rose to 540,000 President Johnson refused to call up the National Guard and the National Reserve or to officially declare the State of War. Also the requested reinforcement with 206,000 new soldiers was not carried out. On March 31, 1968, Johnson announced the end of operation Rolling Thunder or the bombing above the twentieth parallel.
systems often led to power cuts. Furthermore, the six railway lines, roads, bridges and ports were severely damaged. The human toll amounted to 100,000 victims, of which none were important military or political leaders, and 400,000 head of cattle died. Hundreds of thousands of hectares of farmland became unusable.
President Johnson announced on March 31 the beginning of peace negotiations and simultaneously pulled his candidacy for another term in the White House. As a result of the Vietnam nightmare he had become physically and mentally fragile and addicted to alcohol.
The first round of negotiations in Paris on 10 May 1968 did not produce any results because the Communists demanded the withdrawal of all U.S. troops before the start of the peace talks.
Vietnamization policy of Richard Nixon
1968 became the bloodiest year of the Second Indochina War, with 200,000 deaths on the communist side and 14,500 American casualties. After the Tet Offensive, the number of refugees in the South Vietnamese cities increased to one million and in the United States the protest against the war turned violent. In this turbulent period the black Reverend Martin Luther King, and the democratic presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy were murdered. With the promise of peace in Vietnam Richard Nixon won the presidential election in November 1968. His adviser, Henry Kissinger, continued the secret talks with North Vietnam in Paris as from August 1969. And that same month, the first 25,000 Americans left Vietnam. The gradual troop reduction was part of the Vietnamization policy or the transfer of powers to an even better trained and armed South Vietnamese army. This army increased its troop strength to one million out of a population of eighteen million.
In 1969, another 35,000 U.S. troops returned home, but ten thousand were killed, further fuelling the protest in the United States. During an incident near the city of Dong Tam in the Mekong Delta hundreds of Vietnamese were killed after a U.S. unit fired its surplus ammunition at a village across the river. In September 1969 President Nixon even considered the deployment of nuclear weapons.
Meanwhile South Vietnamese President Van Thieu recommended the militarization of education. He closed the universities and colleges and forced the students to attend military training exercises and lectures. However the violent demonstrations against this plan culminated in a wave of arrests. The greatest attention was paid to the trial against student leader Huynh Tan Mam. Amongst the allied foreign troops the people especially hated the South Koreans because of their brutality.
Phoenix Program led to more war atrocities
On February 21, 1970, U.S. State Secretary Henry Kissinger resumed the this time official peace talks with the North Vietnamese top official Le Duc Tho in Paris. As the talks dragged on, Le Duc Tho’s danh va dahn strategy or fighting and talking simultaneously caused discord between the Americans and the South Vietnamese. Both became isolated and could not use the media anymore for their propaganda.
In anticipation of a peace that refused to become a reality, the Americans again intensified the attacks on the Ho Chi Ming Road and the CIA and South Vietnamese intelligence forces joined forces in the Phoenix program. They wanted to capture or kill all the Communist cadres and sympathizers that were operating in South Vietnam. In the province of Hau Nghia, the Vietcong was crushed, but in other places the campaign led to arbitrariness. In order to reach the set quotas, settlements between jealous neighbors occurred, family feuds were settled and all murders were linked to the Vietcong. At the same time some suspects bought their freedom. In the period 1968-1972, the program eliminated 29,000 members or sympathizers of the Vietcong and 33,000 were imprisoned. The tiger cages in the prison on the island of Con Dao were notorious. In that prison opponents of the regime were tortured to death.
The Hatchet Company of the American Studies and Observation Groups (SOCs), an unofficial unit that carried out secret missions where no rules applied, launched Operation Tailwind on September 11, 1970. Despite the promise of President Nixon not to use nerve gas, the gas bombs were dropped in a raid on a camp near the village of Chavan in Laos where U.S. troops who had defected to the communists were holed up.
Collective leadership in North Vietnam
Because of the terrain gained by the South Vietnamese and the Americans after the Tet offensive, the regime in North Vietnam became more than ever dependent on the support of the Soviet Union and China. But between the two superpowers the discord escalated. After the Cultural Revolution, Mao refused any cooperation with the Soviet Union. In the run up to the conference of the Communist leaders in Moscow on June 5, 1969, the Soviet Union fought a bitter battle with China on the diplomatic level and on the battlefield. On March 2, 1969, troops clashed in the border area with the Oessuri river. China also closed its airspace for Soviet planes transporting relief supplies to North Vietnam.
The death of the 79-year-old Ho Chi Minh on September 2, 1969, in North Vietnam led to a surge of nationalism. With even greater determination one wanted to continue the war until the last American leaves the country. The embalmed body of Ho Chi Minh was laid out in a monumental mausoleum lined by columns in Soviet architectural style at Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi, where he had declared the independence of the country in 1945. Vice President Ton Duc Thang became the titular president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), but power was in the hands of a group of five fighters of the first hour belonging to the different factions: party leader Le Duan, Prime Minister Pham Van Dong, Truong Chinh , Le Duc Tho and Vo Nguyen Giap. In practice, little changed, because this group had already been in charge of the government for many years.
Vietcong dominated by the North Vietnamese
In 1968, the Vietcong created an underground Alliance for National, Democratic and Peace Forces in the major South Vietnamese cities. This alliance promoted an independent and non-aligned South Vietnam, but as from June 1969, it was part of the newly formed Provisional Revolutionary Government (VRG), who however did not govern the liberated areas. In those areas military courts judged war incidents and political commissars mediated in conflicts between citizens on the basis of the method of criticism and self-criticism. The main task of the VRG was to seek international recognition as the representative of the South Vietnamese people. The ministers prepared for participation in a coalition government with the regime of President Thieu.
After the Tet Offensive, two thirds of the communist forces in the south came from North Vietnam and within the Vietcong the "brothers from the north" were in command. The traditional leaders ended up sidetracked. Alienation, isolation, resentment and even fear increased among the members of affluent families who voluntarily had given up their wealthy life style and for years had endured dangers, hardships, disease and malnutrition, because the new bosses from the north regarded them as profiteers and bourgeois nationalists. In 1971, the leaders of the Vietcong and the Provisional Revolutionary Government followed a three-month training in Marxism-Leninism in the Nguyen Ai Quoc Institute for Higher Executives in Hanoi. After humiliating self-criticism Tran Bach Dang and Tran Buu Kiem were sidelined. They had fought against the French in 1960 and they had founded the National Liberation Front (NLF). The Communists did not trust anyone on who even a hint of suspicion fell. Within the People's Liberation Army morale flagged. Due to desertion and a smaller number of new recruits the numerical strength in the period 1968 to 1971 was reduced from 250,000 to 200,000.
Lon Nol seized power in Cambodia
In Cambodia the Soviet Union and China supported the regime of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the North Vietnamese used the seaport of Sihanoukville. When after the Tet offensive, the Americans planned attacks against the Vietcong in Cambodia, Sihanouk again entered into relations with the United States. But in May 1969 President Nixon ordered secret bombings. On the one hand, he sued for peace, but on the other hand he expanded the war. In agreement with the United States the Defense Minister Lon Nol carried out a military coup in January 1970 when Sihanouk was residing in France. While President Nixon on April 20, 1970 withdrew another 150,000 American troops from South Vietnam, support for the regime of Lon Nol increased. In the period 1970-1975 the United States invested $ 1.8 billion to halt the rise of communism. On April 30, 1970 twenty thousand soldiers conquered the COSVYN base with U.S. support. But the Vietcong had already transferred their headquarters to the northern province of Kratie which was less exposed to U.S. bombing.
But because of the withdrawal of the Americans from Vietnam and its own powerlessness, the regime of Lon Nol could not permanently occupy the conquered territory. Instead of purging Cambodia of communists, their number grew rapidly. The country sank into anarchy and the rebel movement of the Khmer Rouge led by Saloth Sat, aka Pol Pot, hit the Cambodian army hard. Prince Norodom Sihanouk also formed a coalition with the Khmer Rouge. Only American B52 bombers halted the advance of the Communists. A load of 5.5 million kilogram of bombs claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, destroyed the economy and led to an influx of refugees in the capital Phnom Penh.
Communists were winning in Laos
In March 1970, during a hearing in the U.S. Congress, President Nixon admitted that over a thousand American advisers covertly cooperated with the Laotian army in Laos. Later that year Hmong fighters conquered the strategic Plain of Jars, but they were hard hit during a communist counteroffensive. Again massive U.S. bombing saved the Hmong. Despite the heavy losses and the departure of 100,000 tribesmen to the United States, the Hmong temporarily held their positions with American support, but the pressure of the communist Pathet Lao increased. All that time the corrupt royal Laotian army, also funded by the Americans, did not play a significant role.
On February 21, 1971, a power-sharing agreement was carried out and the Pathet Lao joined the government. After the Geneva Accords of 1954 and 1962, Laos became a neutral state for the third time. Again the Americans left the country while 60,000 North Vietnamese stayed put. But the peace was short-lived. In the field the Pathet Lao won one victory after another. With the support of the United States the Hmong unsuccessfully launched a last counteroffensive and also the operation Lamson 719 of the South Vietnamese army aimed at destroying the Ho Chi Minh route on the territory of Laos was unsuccessful.
Meanwhile the anti-Communist army officer Thanom Kittikachorn governed Thailand since 1963 with an iron fist. During the Second Indochinese War the four U.S. military bases on Thai territory played a key role in the supply of goods and as a base for the bombing. In the capital Bangkok, a recreation center for American soldiers, prostitution and drug trafficking were rampant.
Laborious U.S. exit.
In the United States anti-war demonstrations in Ohio on May 4, 1970 claimed four deaths. Then millions of Americans took to the streets and formed a human chain of hundreds of thousands of people around the White House. In June 1971, peace activist Daniel Ellsberg published the infamous Pentagon Papers in The New York Times. This secret study showed that the Ministry of Defense had for the last ten years painted a too rosy picture of the war. Under pressure from the protests and with the presidential elections of November 1972 looming on the horizon, President Nixon reduced the military presence in Vietnam to 140,000 troops. Also Australia and New Zealand withdrew their troops. However, the Air Force units on aircraft carriers and military bases in Thailand remained operational, because Nixon assured the Saigon government of the continuing support of the Air Force. However, the morale of U.S. troops flagged. In 1971, they numbered 35.000 heroin addicts and the number of murders or attempted murders increased dramatically.
Thanks to massive fraud President Nguyen Van Thieu won the 3 October 1971 elections with 94.3 percent of votes.
With the support of the United States, his rivals Cao Ky and General "Big Minh" were removed from power. Not long afterwards, Nixon began a surprise diplomatic offensive. On February 21, 1972, he landed in the Chinese capital Beijing and he also met with Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. But his attempts to put pressure on a negotiated exit from the war amounted to little.
On 30 March 1972, North Vietnam launched its Easter Offensive. General Giap crossed the demarcation line with 150,000 troops. On May 1, the provincial capital of Quang Tri fell and in the south the Vietcong conquered large parts of the Mekong Plain. But during a five-month counter-offensive, they had to abandon most of the gained territory. Despite the limited U.S. involvement, the South Vietnamese army remained intact, but the five thousand flights of American B52 bombers were a determining factor.
In May 1972, in order to increase the pressure on the ongoing peace negotiations in Paris, Nixon ordered the bombing of the capital Hanoi and the placement of mines around the port of Haiphong. The next six months 41,000 flights dropped 150 million kilogram of bombs and again Nixon was on the verge of dropping a nuclear bomb. During that time a U.S. bomber mistakenly dropped a load of napalm on the village of Trang Bang north of Saigon. The photo of the nine year old girl Kim Phuc that ran away while her body was burning, grew into an icon of the madness of war.
Moving to Quang Bien
Because of the war, three hundred inhabitants of La Long Center, including the relatives of Van Ly, fled to Hue under the leadership of Father Nguyen Van Thong during the Easter Offensive. Nguyen Van Ly received them in the parish school of Phu Luong near Phu Bai airport where he was teaching. C130 aircraft and vehicles of the South Vietnamese army evacuated the villagers to the south. This way, they were saved from a massacre, because both the shrine of La Vang, as well as the surrounding area were destroyed. However Nguyen Van Chung and Nguyen Van Toan, the two adoptive brothers of Van Ly who had enlisted in the South Vietnamese army were killed.
For two months the villagers were housed in tents in the Phuoc Tuy stadium in Vung Tau province and later they were allocated houses in the village of Suoi Nghe. But two months later, due to the raids of the Vietcong, they moved to the Chau Van Tiep school in the provincial capital Ba Ria. After a long search Van Ly and father Nguyen Van Thong found with the permission of the government a final refuge on a domain of the Ministry of Agriculture in the neighborhood of the city of Bien Hoa north of Saigon.
The new settlement was named Quang Bien: a contraction of Quang Tri, the province from which they came, and the city of Bien Hoa. The area at the edge of the jungle was overgrown with trees and bamboo. Under the leadership of Van Ly and with great enthusiasm a new village was created in a checkerboard pattern. Each family received a parcel of land and the church, a market and a school stood in the center. Quang Bien was situated on the territory of the municipality of Trang Bom in the province of Dong Nai. In that eventful period Van Ly got much help from his colleague from the seminary, the Redemptorist Paul Ta Van Phu Chau. But this priest died in tractor accident.
Paris Peace Agreement
On 8 October 1972, a month before the U.S. presidential election in which Nixon took on the democratic anti-Vietnam activist George McGovern, the United States and North Vietnam reached a peace agreement. The Paris Peace Agreement provided for a ceasefire, the exchange of political prisoners and the departure of U.S. troops, but nothing was said about the withdrawal of North Vietnamese troops from South Vietnam. Pending elections, a new Council of National Reconciliation and Unity would govern the country. It was composed of the South Vietnamese Government, the National Liberation Front and neutral third parties, including the Buddhists. Remarkably, no role was given to the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Vietcong. But the Council was a stillborn child. After all, all decisions had to be taken unanimously, but President Thieu, who was not at the negotiating table, immediately rejected the agreement.
Since the peace agreement was not signed yet, Nixon ordered new bombings on 18 December 1972. During eleven days 36,000 tons of bombs, more than in the period 1969-71, were dropped on military bases and densely populated residential areas. In January 1973, the peace agreement was finally signed and on the 1st of March, the last American prisoners of war were freed. Most prisoners, especially air force pilots, were imprisoned in the notorious Hanoi Hilton, the prison in the center of Hanoi, and had endured endless torture. On 29 March 1973, the last American troops left Vietnam. Like the French twenty years earlier, the Americans had lost the war on the home front, and they wanted to forget the Vietnamese nightmare as soon as possible.
South Vietnam giant with feet of clay
Before their departure from Vietnam, the Americans equipped the South Vietnamese Army with new equipment. The regime of President Van Thieu that controlled 75 to 80 percent of the territory and 85 percent of the population had one million soldiers. That's 200,000 more than in 1968. But even the fourth best-armed army in the world was not a guarantee for success. It had excellent units, but the quality was diluted by mass desertions and often incompetent leaders. In many units morale was low. The despotic President Van Thieu never built national institutions and a sustainable economy. Since the 1960s South Vietnam had been a parasite of the United States, and once it stood on its own legs, the economy collapsed and inflation skyrocketed. Millions lost their jobs and became homeless people, and the concentration of people in urban areas continued to rise. The increase in taxes on wages led to strikes and demonstrations.
Disabled army veterans stood up for their rights and once again the Buddhists became restive. But the state did not generate enough income to pay the defense budget, which amounted to three billion dollars annually, while the families of the soldiers barely survived. Economic support from the United States fell from $ 2.3 billion in 1973 to $ 1.1 billion in 1974. The army could not buy spare parts or carry out the maintenance of its hyper modern weaponry while due to the oil crisis the fuel price increased with seventy percent. Consequently, half of the aircraft of the Air Force was grounded. Moreover, the army could no longer rely on American bombers and instructors. The purpose of the Vietnamization policy of Nixon was the withdrawal of the United States out of the war and not the development of a strong South Vietnam. At the same time the Soviet Union increased its aid to North Vietnam and the thirty thousand freed prisoners of war in South Vietnam were re-armed. Each week on the Ho Chi Minh Route 1500 trucks drove to the south and 80 km away from Saigon an oil pipeline was constructed.
In the meantime in Laos the Royal Army could no longer cope with the communist pressure without American aid. With the support of North Vietnam, the Pathet Lao hunted down everyone who had supported the pro-American regime. And in Cambodia, the regime of Lon Nol could not hold its own against the Khmer Rouge who in 1973 already controlled seventy percent of the territory. Finally in Thailand, protest against the violations of human rights and the nepotism of the military regime grew. The three tyrants: Thanom, his son Narong Kittikachorn, and his father Praphas Charusathien, were deposed after a bloody student uprising in October 1973.
Ordination and first appointment
On April 30, 1974, Philip Nguyen Kim Dien, the Archbishop of Hue, ordained Nguyen Van Ly. With XXX newly ordained priests he lay on the ground in the chancel of the cathedral Phu Cam and was ready to be deployed in the Vineyard of the Lord. For his father, the 75-year-old Nguyen Van San, and his mother Tran Thi Kink, this was the highlight in their lives.
On 14 July 1974, Van Ly was appointed president of the Association of missionaries in the parish Cong Hua in the province of Gia Dinh near the capital Saigon. He proudly wore his black cassock, even when he left his home. To him this was an inextricable part of his identity as a priest. In Cong Hua, the eloquent priest immediately got public recognition with his sermons. In May 1974, he attended the marriage of his childhood friend Nguyen Dang Thi Bich Trick with Doan Hoang in Saigon. That was the last time they saw each other.
Final Offensive was an overwhelming capture
In December 1974, the Communists launched their final assault by blowing up the largest oil depot in South Vietnam. In less than three weeks, the province of Phuoc Long was liberated. In the United States, hardly any reaction was heard from the new president, Gerald Ford, the successor of Richard Nixon who had resigned because of the Watergate scandal. From 1 March 1975 on, the North Vietnamese continued their advance. After the conquest of Ban Me Thuot, the biggest city in the west, followed the capture of the central highlands. The goal was to cut South Vietnam in two pieces. President Van Thieu made the fateful decision to abandon the north of the country, where the bulk of the army was, and to put up a line of defense in the south. But that strategic retreat without the cover of American B-52 bombers was a debacle. The soldiers in the northern provinces were caught like rats in a trap.
100,000 were slaughtered or captured in desperate battles. On March 30, the port city of Da Nang where two million refugees had gathered fell in the hands of the North Vietnamese.
Now the road to Saigon was open. In the city of Xuan Loc along Highway No. 1 at 38 miles northeast of Saigon some units put up a valiant struggle. With the courage of despair one regiment of 2,500 men held its ground for two weeks. The population was panicked by rumors of a massacre by the Communists in the conquered territories, where everyone who had worked for the old regime was arrested. On April 21, President Nguyen Van Thieu fled to Taiwan and the exodus started. The surprised U.S. officials only began evacuating their staff and the thousands of South Vietnamese who had worked with them at the very last minute. In Saigon, helicopters were used to evacuate 77,000 people, but tens of thousands of others never got out.
From Saigon to Hue
When after the fall of Ban Me Thuot a refugee stream began pouring into the south, Archbishop Philippe Nguyen Kim remained in Hue with a dozen employees. Only seven of his 120 priests followed that example. After the Massacre of Hue during the Tet offensive in 1968 and the horrors during the Easter Offensive in 1972 in the provincial capital of Quang Tri, fear of the Communists was deeply rooted.
Archbishop Nguyen Kim then telephoned Van Ly to ask him to return to Hue. Going against the refugee flow, he left Saigon wearing his cassock. He only carried some clothes, his prayer book, the New Testament and a bottle of Holy Oil. In order to cover the distance of 1200 km, he took in the capital the last flight to Danang, but the fighting near the city complicated further travel. Covering the remaining one hundred kilometers lasted seven days and was not without danger. Van Ly travelled by car, by push cart, by a former railway carriage drawn by a horse and by bicycle. Along the way he helped the wounded and dying and administered the sacrament of extreme unction to some Catholics. In some places he worked for food and shelter, and once he wanted a bowl of "pho" soup, the national dish, in exchange for a copy of the New Testament. "If you accept this as payment, you will find something useful when you feel bad and disappointed. You then should open the booklet on any page and start reading. I believe that this will help you. "The woman accepted the offer, and Van Ly continued his journey.
Van Ly continued the journey on foot and he also swam a small distance in the China Sea. In the Hai Van Pass he boarded a boat because the highway was closed due to fighting. In Lang Co he persuaded someone to take him to the port of Thuy Duong thirty kilometers from Hue. Over there he was arrested by communist soldiers who gave him permission to go to Hue. On 25 March 1975 he arrived at the archdiocese. The bewildered guard thought he was crazy, but the Archbishop welcomed him warmly. A day later, North Vietnamese troops occupied the city. On April 1, 1975 Archbishop Dien asked in an open letter to the bishops and priests not to flee, but to cooperate constructively with the government. He called for forgiveness and reconciliation, and the banning of any hatred.
Fall of Saigon
On April 30, 1975, while two hundred thousand South Vietnamese including at least four hundred priests and 56,000 Catholics were fleeing the country, the Communists with their green uniforms and their Chinese AK-47 rifles at the shoulder marched in the empty streets of Saigon. Most soldiers’ health was affected by the long stay in the jungle. They suffered from malaria, chronic vitamin deficiency and often had liver problems. Also T-54 tanks with the half red and half blue flag of the National Liberation Front with in the middle a yellow star, rolled into town.
Some small groups, including the Phuc Quoc, offered some resistance to the overwhelming communist force. Only the ethnic minorities of the Degar or Montagnards in the Central Highlands, who had been on the side of the South Vietnamese government during the war, continued to fight. The next four years eight thousand soldiers of the Forces Unies pour la Libération des Races Opprimées (FULRO) were killed or captured. Only in 1992 the last four hundred resistance fighters in Cambodia surrendered to the United Nations.
The 1st of May-commemorations worldwide celebrated the Communist victory. For a generation of young people who were involved in social criticism, the war in Vietnam was the catalyst in challenging the capitalist Western values. For millions, the fall of Saigon was the culmination of thirty years of struggle and solidarity. The image of the last fleeing helicopter on the roof of the American embassy in Saigon, made the hearts beat faster of all who had yelled "Vietcong si, Yankee no"
Unprecedented tragedy
"Yes, we have won against the United States," said the North Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Van Dong. "But we are overwhelmed with problems. We do not have enough to eat and we are a poor and underdeveloped country. War is simple, but governing a country is very difficult." The Communists won a Pyrrhic victory, because the Second Indochina War ended in a tragedy that was unprecedented in history. Three million Vietnamese were wounded and one and a half million were killed. And in the neighboring countries Laos and Cambodia, the death toll amounted to two million dead and wounded. Indochina is therefore littered with war cemeteries. Of the three million Americans who served in Vietnam, 58,000 died, 153,000 were wounded and 2,387 remain missing. The social breakdown in Vietnam was unprecedented with ten million refugees, one million widows, three million unemployed, 879,000 orphans, 362,000 disabled veterans, 181,000 handicapped, 250,000 drug addicts and 300,000 prostitutes. The outcasts were the fifty thousand Amerasians: the children of American soldiers and Vietnamese women.
A large part of the country lay in ruins. The Americans used fifteen million tons of ammunition, twice the amount used during the Second World War. And for every Vietnamese they dropped 264 kilogram of bombs, accounting for 25 million bomb craters. The twenty million gallons or more than 72 million liters of the defoliant Agent Orange, named for the orange-colored cans in which the stuff was transported, destroyed 1.7 million hectares of forest and rice fields and affected the ecosystem as well as the immune system of a million people.
The Americans had invested $ 160 billion in the war and all the warring countries together nearly five hundred billion. But once the war in Indochina was over, as frequently happens in history, the superpowers continued fighting each other elsewhere in the world. In Mozambique and El Salvador a bloody civil war was waged and Marxist revolutionaries in Nicaragua deposed the United States-backed government. In Iran, Islamic militants did the same with the pro-western regime of Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, while the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. The Domino Theory of Dean Acheton which also formed the basis of the Vietnamese tragedy appeared to be a fiction, because in addition to Cambodia and Laos no other countries fell into communist hands.
4. Society rooted in communism (1975-78)
Northerners take the helm
In contrast to what was generally feared, no massacre took place when Saigon fell. Many foreign observers were surprised by the disciplined behavior of the North Vietnamese troops. Besides, bloodshed would have only had a counterproductive effect. Because after twenty years of war Vietnam was among the poorest countries in the world and foreign aid and loans were desperately needed to "rebuild the country a thousand times more beautiful " as Ho Chi Minh had promised. But the historical leader also knew: "The closer the victory, the greater the problems." The regime received food aid and interest free advances from the Soviet Union, East Germany and some social democratic countries like Sweden.
China did not help Vietnam, because since the death of Ho Chi Minh in 1969, relations had soured. For the government in Hanoi the visit of U.S. President Richard Nixon to China in 1972 and the 1973 economic agreement with the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam were a thorn in the eye. The pro-Soviet faction around party leader Le Duan and Le Duc Tho managed all key departments. These are the Ministries of Interior, Foreign Affairs, Transport and Communications, the planning commission and the logistics department. Chu Van Tan and Hoang Van Hoan were victims of the purification within the pro-Chinese fraction. The latter was a co-founder of the Communist Party in 1930, a personal friend of Ho Chi Minh and for many years an influential member of the Politburo. Vietnam did not receive one penny of the $ 3.3 billion for the reconstruction that the U.S. President, Richard Nixon, had secretly promised at the signing of the peace agreement in 1973.
Since the fall of Saigon happened earlier than expected, the North Vietnamese were not prepared. The Military Management Committee led by General Tran Van Tra, the head of the North Vietnamese troops in the south, immediately took control of the government. Without any consultation the organizations of the Vietcong were abolished and integrated into the Fatherland Front. These are the National Liberation Front, the People's Liberation Army, the Provisional Revolutionary Government and the headquarters of COSVN. At the victory parade on May 15 in Saigon the flag of the National Liberation Front was no longer seen. North Vietnamese also took over the police and law enforcement.
Officially the parliamentary elections of 25 April 1976 sealed the unification of the country. The turnout was over 99 percent because people who did not vote lost their ration card and got no food. Only a handful of popular politicians from the south declared that it was a purely communist creation. At the first session, the Vietnamese Socialist Republic was established. This republic replaced the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. But it was only a rubber-stamp parliament. Already after the second parliamentary session, the former Buddhist student leader Nguyen Cong Hoan fled to Japan. In May 1977 elections were held for the People's Committees in the provinces, the municipalities and districts. This new level of governance between the municipalities and the provinces became responsible for the restructuring of the agro-industrial production, economic planning and budget management. The districts reinforced the already unwieldy bureaucracy.
No reconciliation, but revenge
On May 3, 1975, all officers and soldiers had to reveal their whereabouts and turn in their badges, uniforms and weapons by the end of the month. Everyone was obliged to make known all his activities since 1945 by completing a questionnaire. That information was compared with the data of the intelligence services of North Vietnam and the Vietcong. But the government knew all the former employees of the government, the police, the army and especially the secret service and the CIA from the secret information that the South Vietnamese government and the CIA had left in their hasty departure. In these documents was also a list of people who worked for the Phoenix Project.
Prime Minister Pham Van Dong announced that he would eliminate "the class of capitalists and all remnants of feudal exploitation." The big cleanup began even before the obligatory departure of the foreign correspondents, including representatives of the United Nations and the Red Cross. Because the communists were not looking for reconciliation, but retaliation, all senior executives of the former regime were purged. People's Courts sentenced the "lackeys of U.S. imperialism" and the leaders of the "puppet regime of President Van Thieu". They were not guided by legislation, but by the revolutionary conscience. In addition, many people were eliminated without trial. The 150 former military officers who on July 7, 1975 were marched off to a reeducation camp were blindfolded, with their hands tied behind their backs and slaughtered. Only one survived that massacre. Ten days earlier, a similar convoy departed and nothing was heard from them again. Historians of the University of California in Berkeley calculated that in the period from 1975 to 1983 at least 65,000 people were killed. Other sources estimate the number of direct victims between 100,000 and 250,000.
Unprecedented repression
For all other employees of the former regime the government planned reeducation, because according to Marxist-Leninist doctrine a pure socialist society can only be created when everyone follows the correct way of thinking. Ordinary soldiers and junior officials attended the Three-Day Classes. People with a higher grade had to attend a Ten-Day or Thirty-Day Class. These courses were intended to "clear the thoughts " before participating in the "new society". As from June 10, 1975, the common soldiers and lower officers received a convocation. A week later followed the middle managers and senior executives.
The cai tao te tuong, or reforming the mind, wanted to eliminate capitalist ideas and to imbue the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. Who by his own self-criticism acknowledged his mistakes, could repay the incurred debt. Again and again, up to even twice a day, everyone had to write down his story as detailed as possible, whereupon the successive versions were compared.
Most participants of the Three Days Classes returned home shortly afterwards. But people who were on the list of the Ten-Day Classes and Thirty Day Classes, usually remained locked up for years. Among them were all the doctors, lawyers, teachers, journalists, writers, student leaders, professors, entrepreneurs, wealthy citizens and noblemen. In application of Resolution 49, a re-education could last indefinitely. The district chiefs of the State Security could imprison all reactionaries, counter-revolutionaries and anyone who posed a threat to the community for three years and could extend that period for an unlimited amount of time. Arbitrariness reigned and most detainees were never even questioned. Also Vietcong leaders ended up in the camps.
For example Truong Nhu Tang, co-founder of the National Liberation Front and the Minister of Justice in the Provisional Revolutionary Government.
On the number of South Vietnamese in the reeducation camps the numbers differ. Some mention a figure of about a million and in 1985 government official Nguyen Co Thach indicated the figure of 2.5 million. This means that the vast majority of men over the age of eighteen years had been in the camps. After an unusually cruel war such a systematic repression is virtually unprecedented in world history.
All resistance crushed
Ho Chi Minh’s statement Khong Gi Quy Hon Duc Lap Tu Do - Nothing is more precious than independence and freedom - marked the entrance to the reeducation camps. On February 15, 1976, journalists from the communist countries and a contributor of the American newspaper The Washington Post visited a model camp. They saw a caricature with guards in a prison clothes and props that embellished the sham. For people who were arrested cruel treatment was meted out just like the South Vietnamese treated captured fighters or sympathizers of the Vietcong. The sophisticated method of incessant indoctrination, the confinement in inhumane conditions, the permanent starvation, hard labor and the performing of torture for minimal offenses in front of the inmates broke all resistance and made wolves into docile lambs.
In Saigon, which was renamed Ho Chi Minh City, the population of the Chi Hoa prison increased from eight thousand to forty thousand. A little further down the road, in the former orphanage Long Thanh, initially only twenty guards were in charge of forty thousand senior officials and police officers, secret agents and leaders of political parties. But the first months nobody thought about escape.
Following the screening in a transit camp, the prisoners were moved to one of the thousand camps across the country. In former military bases the prisoners built their own sleeping barracks and the camp fence. The Ham Tan camp and the Vien Hoa, Tran Hung Dao and Le Van Duyet prisons were notorious. Generally, the living conditions in the south were better than in the north. The situation was most distressing in the camps deep in the jungle. Over there many people died as a result of lack of water, food, medical care and clothing or as a result of malaria and dysentery. Electricity was not available and the sanitation was teeming with microbes and pests. Thousands committed suicide, were killed in staged accidents or died when forced to manually clearing mines. The regular removal of detainees prevented the formation of clans and reduced the risk of uprisings. Rebellious prisoners were anyway moved to the heavily guarded camps with a harsh regime.
Forced labor, starvation and indoctrination
Following the example of the gulag in the Soviet Union, the Vietnamese detention is essentially based on the permanent starvation of prisoners. The craving for food afflicts everyone from morning to evening, because the ration of twelve kilograms of rice or a replacement product per month, spread over two meals per day, is insufficient. The nutritional value is hardly a thousand calories, while the heavy labor for nine hours a day requires three times more. The chronic hunger undermines the prisoner’s health like a monotonous slowly gnawing feeling of toothache. After a few years, many detainees can no longer sit on a chair or lie down in bed without pain because their bones stick out of their skin.
Other side effects are swollen finger joints and legs, red spots on the body, liver problems, stomach ulcers, and scurvy. The lack of vitamins and proteins in the unbalanced diet causes the loss of hair and teeth and swollen limbs. And the slow deterioration of the immune system has the effect that wounds heal with difficulty and the susceptibility to infections increases.
Anyone who could not reach the imposed work quotas, also had to work on Sundays and repeatedly got a ration of nine kilograms per month. For the penalized prisoners in solitary the ration was six kilograms. Some died of hunger. The bo doi or guards bullied the prisoners and handed out punishments everyday and in the most remote camps, the prisoners were mistreated. Anyone who performed well, was given the vague promise of early release. This was however only a means to increase the psychological pressure, because in practice release was seldom given.
In addition to the forced labor, every day three hours of reeducation were programmed. It began with the singing of revolutionary songs. Then the prisoners were given an insight in their mistakes and a list of the crimes of the Americans and South Vietnamese. They learned the history of the Vietnamese heroes and the revolution, as well as an overview of the achievements of the government. The prisoners learned to adopt "a suitable attitude" towards work. The legitimization is the high valuation of work in the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. Furthermore, they were taught to strictly obey the law, and to show respect for the rules of community life with priority given to protecting socialist property.
During discussion sessions everyone in turn narrated what he had done to put into practice this theory in accordance with the method of self-criticism, and commented on the articles in the party newspaper Nhan Dan newspaper and the army newspaper Quan Doi Nhan Dan. Moles collected information about the mind dispositions, intentions and thoughts of the prisoners. The years of indoctrination caused the most physical and psychological wounds. Many became cynical, mad or committed suicide.
After six or twelve months, the prisoners were allowed to write a letter to their family. They were not allowed to reveal the name or the location where they were imprisoned. They had to write that they were treated well, had enough to eat and were in good health. But even letters that met all the requirements were often not sent. For the relatives of the prisoners who sometimes for years had received no news about them, life became a nightmare. Some frustrated women in Ho Chi Minh City who demonstrated for more information about their husbands were arrested. Nothing was ever heard about them ever again.
The guards in the camps were also closely monitored. They risked ending up on the other side of the bars at every misstep. In the remote areas the military managed the camps, while in the cities the police had jurisdiction. Nevertheless, the ultimate responsibility lay with the Politburo and the Minister of Defense. Despite the revenue from the forced labor, the cost of the construction, administration, logistics, food, transport and monitoring the camps was many times higher.
Guilty silence of the international community
The horror stories of Jean Lacouture and Andre Gelinas, who left Vietnam in 1976, barely got any attention elsewhere in the world. Gelinas described how 20,000 people had committed suicide since the Communist takeover. A former policeman killed his ten children, his wife and his mother in law before killing himself. Also the Americans did not react to the report on the massacre of 30,000 former employees of the Phoenix Project. Books like Five Years to Freedom of the American prisoner of war Nicholas Rowe and the story of Dan Phizer in the book To Bear Any Burden received little attention.
Even after the flood of horror stories swelled as more Vietnamese were fleeing their homeland, the international community maintained a guilty silence.
Why? The government control of the media and the closing of the borders complicated the gathering of accurate information. And for the prisoners the promise never to mention a word about what they had experienced was a condition for their release. The communist countries were allies and the United States wanted to forget the nightmare of the war as soon as possible. And in other Western countries, Vietnam was no longer a hot item.
Culture and education rooted in communism
In Ho Chi Minh City neon signs disappeared from the streets. The bars closed their doors, prostitution was prohibited and in the streets and buildings appeared revolutionary slogans. From 12:00 a.m. to 5:00 am a curfew was in force. A black list contained the names of 129 authors and 932 reactionary books. Four million books of the Khai Tri publishing company were burned in the streets. The same fate was reserved for the books of universities, libraries and individuals. Thirty newspapers were banned. Many intellectuals committed suicide, ended up in re-education camps or languished in psychiatric institutions.
On the bookshelves were the writings of Ho Chi Minh and the communist founding fathers Marx, Lenin and Engels, and publications on the achievements of the Communist Party. The cinemas projected Soviet propaganda films. Radio Saigon only broadcasted music that glorified Ho Chi Minh, socialism and the revolution. In order to instill this message in the minds of the people loudspeakers were put on every twentieth house in the streets.
In the schools teachers from North Vietnam gave the lessons. In the morning the children sang revolutionary militant songs and were instructed to report what their parents spoke about at home. South Vietnamese teachers were only allowed to return to work when their minds were purified of the "cultural and ideological contamination" of which they were victims. The women learned the revolutionary way of life in the branches of the Patriotic Women and members of the Youth League cut the long hairs of passersby.
Grab Culture and Corruption
After two decades of hardship and sacrifice hundreds of thousands of impoverished communist cadres who moved with their families from the north to the south suddenly were overwhelmed by the never before seen material wealth. Many destroyed TV sets because as a result of decades of indoctrination they thought that these were used for controlling missiles. South Vietnamese people who owned multiple homes, were allowed to retain only one. The government confiscated all the other houses. Moreover, it confiscated any property that was deemed appropriate without warning. At night, some neighborhoods were surrounded and all residents chased from their homes. Many owners committed suicide and anyone who resisted was moved to a reeducation camp. Both officials and ordinary soldiers looted and stole the furniture, which often led to an internal power struggle.
After the freezing of bank accounts in September 1975, everyone could exchange South Vietnamese piastres for North Vietnamese Dong for a small fee. The government seized all savings and the South Vietnamese gold reserve moved to the north. Another currency reform in 1978 allowed anyone to take out up to five hundred "new dong". The introduction of a high tax that was retroactively levied for ten years nationalized banks, means of transport and the media as well as all private companies such as bookstores, department stores, petrol stations and garages. In one blow everyone lost all his possessions, investments and income. The communists from North Vietnam who managed the expropriated companies quickly became rich by selling the goods on the black market. There the prices were much higher than in the state stores. Farmers were obliged to sell their harvest to the government at a cheap price. In turn the government distributed the harvest to the population. However, the farmers could buy garments, medicines and seeds at cheap prices.
In the new society almost everyone worked for the state. A blue-collar worker was paid thirty dong per month and a white-collar worker forty dong. Because this wage was insufficient to survive, most abused their position to make some extra money. The direct payment for all services made corruption an integral part of the regime. For example a visit to a family member in a reeducation camp cost three hundred dong.
Land reform failed
Despite the failure of land reform in North Vietnam in the 1950s, the Government repeated that operation in the south in 1975. Everyone had to give up their land that was then redistributed without the farmers acquiring the property right. Many farmers destroyed their agricultural equipment, slaughtered their water buffaloes and sold their products on the black market. After several years just seven percent of the farmers worked in cooperative state farms, while the figure amounted to 96 percent in the north. In the central highlands in hundreds of villages, the ancestral lands of the ethnic minorities of the Montagnards were cleared to make way for coffee plantations.
The millions of unexploded bombs and mines hampered agriculture. In the province of Quang Tri, near the former demarcation line, 83 percent of the land contained Explosive Remnants of War and after 1975 seven thousand were killed or wounded by explosions. The food production shrank further. Lots of land remained fallow for lack of manpower. The farmers were killed, had emigrated or languished in reeducation camps. Moreover, the country already struggled with a structural food deficit for decades. While the population had tripled since 1930, the food production had barely doubled. Rationing Vouchers determined the rice quotas, but failing that cassava, a kind of manioc, and cat food were distributed. Only the massive imports of food prevented a famine. The land reform that in the South led to an uprising, was scaled down in 1978.
Fiasco of the New Economic Zones
On December 16, 1975, Premier Pham Van Dong announced the deportation of a million South Vietnamese to the north. Furthermore, the removal of four million inhabitants to the New Economic Zones was aimed at solving the problem of overpopulation in the cities. They had to make way for 750,000 northerners who took the now open positions in education, the police, the administration and the management of the re-education camps. Families who had worked for the former government and whose husband was in a reeducation camp, were required to pack their bags.
They got the vague promise that their husband would get an early release or that their previous mistakes were forgiven. Anyone who did not leave voluntarily, was deported. In 1975-76 more than 600,000 inhabitants left Ho Chi Minh City. During the Second Five-Year Plan (1976-1980) and the Third Five Year Plan (1981-85) another 1.2 million southerners were deported to the New Economic Zones. First to be deported were people who ignored party directives or who refused to participate in the activities of the mass organizations. These zones appeared to be excellent tools to impose socialism, because in many respects they resembled re-education camps.
These hastily developed areas were virgin areas in the woods with little valuable as farmland. And the more remote, the heavier the living conditions. Often basic needs such as drinking water, education and medical care were lacking. The people built their own homes and worked the land that was assigned to them. But in many places they could barely survive. Forty percent of the harvest went to the government and thirty percent to the zone administrators. The French journalist Jean Lacouture who visited the area Phan-Thiet, called this "a prefabricated hell where you only come when the alternative is death." Although no permits were given to return to the city a large number of New Economic Zones were left after a few years.
Why did the communist approach fail in South Vietnam, while it was successful twenty years earlier in the north, with the exception of land reform? The reason is the totally different mentality. The roots of the South Vietnamese population are in the Indian culture and MahayanaBuddhism. Because Confucianism was less deeply rooted, the heavy handed imposing of rigid communism constantly fuelled resistance.
Religions restricted
The Communists have a deep aversion to any form of religion. Lenin declared " religion, even every day thinking that God exists, is an unspeakable horror and the foulest plague". On 5 May 1975, five days after the fall of Saigon, Archbishop Nguyen Van Binh pleaded for forgiveness, reconciliation and cooperation. But his call fell on deaf ears. The church goods were nationalized and the government took over the management of schools, orphanages, nursing homes and institutions for the disabled. The 25 Minor Seminars and 9 Major Seminars closed their doors and ordinations were no longer allowed. The Pontifical Seminary Pius X of the Jesuits in Dalat, one of the largest seminaries in South East Asia, became a training center for communist cadres. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations with the Vatican religious magazines were banned.
Some leaders of the Coa Dai sect were executed. Other religious leaders including the 72-year-old Luong Trong Tuong, the leader of the Hoa-Hao Buddhists, ended up in the camps. That fate also befell François-Xavier Nguyen Van Thuan, the nephew of former President Diem, whom Pope Paul VI had appointed co-Adjutor Archbishop of Saigon on 24 April, a week before the fall of South Vietnam. His messages to the Catholics that were smuggled out are published in the book The Road to Hope.
As from November 1977, Resolution 297 streamlined the religious politics. Because of the many restrictions only a caricature of the constitutional freedom of religion remained. Now the party and the government monitored worship, religious education, meetings and retraites. They decided on the candidates for the seminars and the ordination and appointment of priests and bishops. The Office for Religious Affairs or the religious security police, with a branch in every village, supervised the newly established mass organizations for the Buddhists, Catholicism, Protestantism, the Cao Dai, Hoa Hao and Islam. Furthermore the Mobilization and Propaganda Department of the Party, the Ministry of State Security and the Fatherland Front continued to monitor religious politics.
Thich Quang Do, a leader of the Unified Buddhist Church UBCV, refused his organization to integrate within the Patriotic Buddhist Liaison Committee: "We will never be slaves of the Communist Party". Since then he had not a moment of freedom anymore. On November 2, 1975, in protest against the religious persecution, twelve monks and nuns immolated themselves in the Duoc-Su pagoda in Phung Hiep.
Secretary of Archbishop Dien
In April l975, Archbishop Philippe Nguyen Kim Dien of Hue appointed Nguyen Van Ly as his secretary. Shortly after that Monsignor Dien was under house arrest and he was interrogated for 120 days. From the first row Van Ly saw how the Communists pursued their antireligious politics. He accompanied the archbishop during his meeting with Prime Minister Pham Van Dong in Hanoi. The request for a visit to the Vatican was rejected. When leaving the office of the Prime Minister Van Ly asked the archbishop: "Why did not you inform him about the suffering of the believers?" Dien replied: "Do you want my life to become completely impossible?" On September 2 1975, on independence day, both met with representatives of the Catholic church in Hanoi. They heard first hand accounts of the dramatic development in the Catholic Church after the Communist takeover in 1955. Back home they refused to talk about their meetings.
Van Ly helped to absorb the shock of the confiscation of church property and institutions. And for the Catholic families who were exiled to the New Economic Zones he wrote with some colleagues the booklet I live happily. This offered some support for the people in isolated areas without churches or priests. As a representative of the Archdiocese, Van Ly attended the meetings of the Fatherland Front. Each meeting began with the singing of Ten thousand years, a song that wishes a long life to Ho Chi Minh. When they sang the chorus everybody lifted their hands and sang the text with gusto. Van Ly watched this in silence and with crossed arms. When he got a comment, he replied: "Nothing in this world will exist for ten thousand years, agree?"
The life of his family changed radically after the Communist takeover.
TO COMPLETE……………………………………………………………………………..
Ms Phong, the widow of his adoptive brother Toan lived next to the family home in Quang Bien. When she and her two children visited Van Ly in Hue, he gave her the little money he had to pay for the return journey and he also gave her his umbrella and a black shirt. He asked her to sell the umbrella and the black shirt and to buy something for the children with that money.
Party reigns over invisible control network
According to the Marxist doctrine countries are doomed to disappear in light of the imminent world revolution. Therefore, priority was given to the development of the Communist Party. In Vietnam an elite of 1.8 to 2,100,000 members monitored all of society, but the real power was concentrated in a few hands. After 1975 these were the clans of party leader Le Duan and Le Duc Tho. The two brothers of the latter were the Minister of Communications and Transport and the mayor of Ho Chi Minh City.
The party has a rigid hierarchy of four levels. At the top is the Secretary-General. He also is the chairman of the Secretariat that manages the daily operation. At the second level the 17-member Politburo takes all important decisions. It also selects the candidates of the Nguyen Ai Quoc Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies. This training and education center of the party is the breeding ground for future leaders. The third level is the 133-member Central Committee of the Party. It meets twice a year and appoints the members of the Politburo. Finally, every five years, the 1,200-member Party Congress establishes the broad outlines. The Standing Committee of the Congress implements the decisions taken.
The intermediaries in the invisible control network of the party are the mass organizations with the Fatherland Font leading. The Patriotic Women, the Farmers Association, the General Federation of Vietnamese Trade Unions, the Association of Veterans, the Red Cross and the Youth League each have a monopoly in their sector. The communist cadres mobilize the people for the activities and ensure through persuasion that party politics prevail in every family. The cong an khu vuc or security guards, often local police officers, keep the ly lich or the curriculum vitae updated of the members of thirty to fifty families. This contains all confidential information from the cradle to the coffin. The security guards may confiscate the ho khau or license of any person. Without a ho khau one is not allowed to work, go to a hospital or a school, obtain food stamps, retrieve letters or move to another city.
The Ministry of Culture and Information controls the media. The news agency VNA acts as the official spokesperson and in the kiosks are only official newspapers such as Nhan Dan of the Party and Quan Doi Nhan Dan of the people's army. The final piece of the repressive apparatus, is the secret service which monitors compliance with the party line in all walks of life
The executive and the judiciary is subordinate to the party
The executive has a parallel structure of the Communist Party, but is subordinate to it. Of course, only the party members occupy leadership positions. After the Secretary-General of the party, the head of state is the number two of the regime. The Government implements the decisions of the Politburo and the National Congress or parliament that is elected every five years, adopts laws. All councilors of the provinces, districts and municipalities are thoroughly screened.
Vietnam does not have an independent Judiciary. The party appoints judges in the People's Courts that apply the law in the provinces, districts and cities. The Supreme Court, the highest judicial body, supervises the lower courts, processes important matters such as high treason and acts as the highest Court of Appeal. The People's Supervisory Body and the Supreme People Body are the watchdogs of government. And the military courts have jurisdiction over the army.
Only in 1986, Vietnam got its own Criminal Code. Until then, the code dating from 1950 from the colonial era, was supplemented by decrees and resolutions of the Standing Committee that implemented the decisions of party congresses. However, the notion of crime was vaguely defined. This allowed for all "anti-social attitudes" to be considered criminal behavior. And anyone who appeared before a judge, was by definition guilty and sentenced.
A verdict is pronounced only after approval of the party. The defense hardly has its say in quickly finished court cases.
Single Party State tolerates no dissenting votes
The Vietnamese totalitarian regime put a democratic veneer on the constitutional reform of 1980. Thus Article 50 guarantees respect for the political, civil, economic, cultural and social rights. And Article 69 guarantees the right to freedom of expression, press freedom, freedom of association and the right to protest. Article 70 adds: "The citizen enjoys freedom of religion and belief". But nobody is allowed to abuse those freedoms to break the law, or go against the policy of the party and the government, because above all, Article 4 of the Constitution states that Vietnam is a Marxist-Leninist single party state. Draconian punishments are meted out to those who carry out propaganda against the government (Article 88) or those who undermine national unity by sowing discord, hatred and discrimination (Article 79).
Only sporadically some protest is heard, because according to the Rule of Three Generations anyone who asks for respect for human rights or defends democracy puts not only his personal safety and future at stake, but also that of his parents and his wife and children. They are expelled from school, their job taken from them or denied access to health care. Inspired by the Helsinki Accords of August 1, 1975 and the Association of Charter 77 of author Vaclav Havel in Czechoslovakia seven prominent lawyers and professors of the Vietnam Human Rights League asked for respect for the freedom of thought, conscience and religion. On April 18, 1977, opposite the cathedral in Ho Chi Minh City, lawyer Tran Danh San read in a loud voice the Declaration of Disinherited Vietnamese on Human Rights. But after a few sentences he was arrested and disappeared for ten years behind bars. He leaves a wife and five children.
Ambitious economic plans failed
The regime moved towards free education, public transport, health and culture. The Fourth Congress of the Communist Party in December 1976, the first after the unification, changed the official name. The Vietnamese Workers Party dating from 1951 was replaced by the Vietnamese Communist Party. Since 1966 the number of members had doubled from 760,000 to 1,553,500, or 3.1 percent of the population. This figure is lower than in China and the Soviet Union with respectively 4.2 and 6.9 percent.
In a wave of optimism Congress approved the Second Five Year Plan covering the period 1976-1980. The fusion of the heavy industry based North Vietnamese economy with the consumer oriented South Vietnamese economy must lead to an annual industrial expansion with 16 to 18 percent, a growth in agriculture between eight and ten percent and increase the national income by fourteen percent. Party leader Le Duan promised that within ten years every Vietnamese would own a radio, refrigerator and TV.
According to economist Vo Tri Nhan the first phase of the transition to a socialist society had began. During the second phase, from 1981 to 2005, the socialist industrialization would take place, and between 2006 and 2010 a classless society would have been achieved. Vietnam joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. "Now nothing can happen," said a member of the Central Committee of the Party. "The problems we face are trifles compared with those of the past."
But the euphoria was short-lived. A year later, the party newspaper Nhan Dan wrote: "The capacity of our industry is only half used and the effective work performances are four to five hours. Land reform has failed and many farmers no longer work their land. " Meanwhile, prices went through the roof. Two months after the fall of Ho Chi Minh City, the price of rice increased sixfold and that of the gasoline increased eightfold.
In the still rural Vietnamese society, the industry came up to speed, but with difficulty because of the war damage. Despite the efforts of thousands of engineers from the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries, Vietnam lacked capital and know-how. The export of coal decreased because of a lack of conveyors and trucks, because the country had no hard currency to purchase them. Moreover, the political repression hampered the economic revival. The people who were needed to restore the economy were degraded or languished in reeducation camps. In the port city of Haiphong, half of the cargo was either stolen or was rotting due to lack of means of transport. And all the while basic foods were not available in Hanoi. Many Chinese, who traditionally were an important link in the economic network, fled the country.
In the second half of the 1970s, the economic growth barely reached two percent, while the birth rate of three percent per year, one of the highest rates in the world, continued to rise. The introduction of the two-child policy in 1976 did not stem that tide.
First conviction and release
After several arrests of Buddhist monks in Ho Chi Minh City, the Fatherland Front organized a meeting in Hue on 15 April 1977. Archbishop Dien regretted this state of affairs and criticized the treatment of Catholics as second class citizens.
One week later at a meeting of the Office for Religious Affairs the archbishop again criticized the government’s policy on religions. Nguyen Van Ly sent copies of the speeches to all the priests of the Archdiocese and with the help of Ho Van Quy, director of the Major Seminary, more copies were further distributed at home and abroad. The magazine Cong Giao va Dan Toc, the Catholic mouthpiece created by the government, then accused Monsignor Dien of spreading propaganda against the regime. Nevertheless, the archbishop was temporarily out of the crosshairs. In his place two of his co-workers were imprisoned on September 7, 1977. "The revolutionary authorities were obliged to arrest Ho Quy and Nguyen Van Ly, the bad employees of this diocese" we read in the columns of Cong Giao va Dan Toc.
A second article underlined that all representatives of the recognized religions agreed with the arrests since both of the accused "had vigorously and persistently spread the statements of Monsignor Dien." Ho Van Quy was only imprisoned for a short time, but the People's Court of Thua Thien sentenced Nguyen Van Ly on August 18, 1977 to twenty years’ imprisonment. He was held in a house that the government had seized. After international protests and as a sign of goodwill, following Vietnam joining the United Nations on 20 September 1977, Van Ly was released on Christmas Eve, December 24.
Peaceful struggle in Doc So
Van Ly personally thanked the clergy and faithful who had prayed for him and who had supported him. Because of his increasing influence and under pressure from the government, the Archbishop asked him to return to his family in Quang Bien. But Van Ly refused. Then he becomes the pastor of Doc So, a rural parish in the village of Huong So in the province of Binh Tri Thien. Many parishioners made a living out of farming and selling straw hats. In 1968, the Vietcong had buried alive a priest over here.
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Van Ly shared the impoverished lifestyle of his parishioners and earned some money by growing and selling vegetables and flowers. The gifts he received were destined for the welfare of the parishioners. He organized ping pong, chess and checker competitions for the young people and supported students with the purchase of books and study materials. Although the local officials urged Van Ly to support their policy, he encouraged the farmers not to join the government cooperatives. He supported the cooperative idea, but thought that everyone should be free to join or not to join.
One Sunday after Mass Van Ly asked his parishioners to follow him with their agricultural equipment. They worked the land of the parish that the government had seized, although to compensate for this the government had allocated them a smaller, poorer and more remote piece of land. The next day the village leaders held Van Ly accountable while he was playing checkers in the parish house with some young people. When they shouted "Ly Ly", the pastor did not react. A young man in the audience said that no Ly was present, only Reverend Ly. Then the head of the delegation said : "Reverend Van Ly, I would like to speak with you for five minutes." The man argued that the parishioners had no right to work the land without prior approval and he wanted a solution. "The question I have submitted three weeks ago, remained unanswered," responded Van Ly. "And silence means consent, especially since the sowing season has started." Then the officials left the room.
In Doc So Van Ly began his peaceful struggle for religious freedom. He refused to act according to the rules. For example he did not ask for prior authorization for the organization of religious activities. Nor did he submit the list of names of the people who attended the church service and followed the Bible Classes. In his first manifesto from 1978, Seven fair and reasonable points, he systematically listed the violations of human rights and religious freedom. Van Ly broadcasted his declarations through a speaker on the church tower. Through that loudspeaker he also broadcasted Vietnamese programs of Radio Veritas, a Filipino Catholic radio station that broadcasts via shortwave.
The local government urged the residents of Doc So to publicly reject the actions of Van Ly. But he rejected the accusations of the Communists. Van Ly wrote seven letters of protest to the authorities and transmitted a copy to international human rights organizations. After the local government of Doc So had rejected the free election of a new parish council, the election secretly took place anyway shortly before Christmas 1978. For Van Ly this was indeed an internal church matter. During the Christmas celebration he announced: "We are honored today with the presence of representatives of the regime. Let's welcome them with a warm applause. " All present, the communist cadres including, applauded, and Van Ly continued:" I welcome the newly elected members of the parish council and ask for them a warm applause. "Everybody applauded including the communist cadres. When the next day Van Ly was rebuked for that illegal election he replied: "Yesterday you applauded and today you are telling me that the election happened without your consent."
In Doc So Van Ly pursued his hobby of astronomy in his free time. For his studies in that field he sacrificed his afternoon nap for more than a year. On a hill during clear nights he showed the young people the stars and taught them the basic concepts of the universe.
Mass exodus
In 1978-79, hundreds of thousands of South Vietnamese who in May 1975 left for the Ten Day Classes, as well as a number of participants in the Thirty Day Classes were released on parole. They remained under supervision for six months to a year. During that period they had no official status, they did not get an exit visa or food rations and were not allowed to send their children to school. Anyone who made insufficient progress could lose his job, remain longer under supervision or was returned to a reeducation camp.
If their house had not been seized by the North Vietnamese, it was usually empty. To survive their wives, who were usually unemployed, had sold all valuables. Some did not recognize their wife and children anymore, and around the corner police or the secret service spied on them. With the loss of their wealth, possessions, work, citizenship and dignity and rage over the brutality of the communists, many had only one ambition: leave Vietnam as soon as possible.
In 1978-79, an exodus rarely seen in history took place. Half a million Vietnamese crossed the border with Laos and Cambodia and many attempted the overseas crossing from the port of Vung Tau. That voyage was expensive and dangerous. Although government soldiers tried to prevent every fishing boat from leaving, especially at night crammed boats slipped through the net. Anyone who was intercepted, ended up back in the camps, and upon his release would again try to leave the country. But many refugees died at sea from starvation, dehydration, drowning, or were robbed, raped and murdered by pirates.
After many wanderings one million Vietnamese ended up in the United States and a similar number in other Western countries. The refugees faced the tough task to build a new future from scratch. The former top politician Hoang Van Hoan fled to Paris and got asylum in China. And Truong Nhu Tang, the Minister of Justice in the Provisional Revolutionary Government, fled the country by boat. Nguyen Tran Duc also succeeded in escaping. After his studies in France and at Columbia University in New York, he left his job and his American girlfriend to serve under the new regime. But after a few months he escaped to Australia by bribing Vietnamese officials. He wrote about his disillusionment with the application of communism in Diary of a liberated man. In 1989, the refugee agency of the United Nations still counted 839,000 Vietnamese asylum seekers in refugee camps in Hong Kong, Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines.
Horror in the killing fields
On December 2, 1975, the Communists of the Pathet Lao who took the helm in Laos, established the Lao People’s Democratic Republic . Since then all power was in the hands of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party. King Savang Vatthana, Queen Khamphoui and Crown Prince Vong Savang ended up in an internment camp. The king died there on 13 May 1978 and also the queen and the crown prince died in captivity. As in Vietnam, the policy of the new rulers was not aimed at reconciliation, but at retaliation. Thus they took revenge on the Hmong people who had collaborated with the United States.
April 17, 1975, marked the end of five years of civil war in Cambodia when the Khmer Rouge of Pol Pot took the capital Phnom Penh. Since 1970, half a million Cambodians were killed or wounded. But the worst was yet to come. Inspired by Mao's idea of permanent revolution, the Khmer Rouge put the doctrine of an agrarian utopia or an ideal farmers’ society into practice. In one of the most violent experiments in the history of humanity, free from the "rotten culture" a "new community" was built from the "year zero". Out of a radical egalitarianism, money was abolished, property forfeited and all private property destroyed. The central bank was blown up and the cars at the airport ended up on a scrap heap as a monument against modernity. Everyone was forced to work in the countryside. The population of Phnom Penh fell from two million to 25,000.
Public buildings were used as torture chambers. Tuol Sleng or S-21, the former high school in Phnom Penh, was notorious.
Upon their arrival, the "counter-revolutionaries and parasites" or anyone who spoke a foreign language, was wearing glasses or had soft hands, were photographed in front and side view, numbered and undressed. They were shackled hands and feet to iron bars, starved, tortured and interrogated by Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch. After a month the prisoners were photographed again and transported to Choeung Ek. Over there was a mass grave for the dead and the living, because no bullets were wasted on them. In 1976, 1622 people were transported to Tuol Sleng. On his return from China in September 1977, Pol Pot, aka Brother Number One, wanted to surpass Mao's Cultural Revolution. On some days, more than 400 people died in Choeung Ek.
Only seven of the 16,000 to 20,000 who entered Tuol Sleng came out alive. Cambodia grew into a huge concentration camp. Herded into slave labor areas, an estimated 1.8 million Cambodians or thirty percent of the population died from starvation, disease, deprivation, torture and exhaustion in the killing fields. Even cannibalism happened. The country has some 20,000 mass graves.
Occupation of Cambodia
In Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, the communists won hard fought victories. But this same ideology created no brotherhood. Now it became clear that communism was primarily used for the realization of nationalistic objectives, because the demons of the past again made an appearance. The 25-year Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation that Vietnam and Laos signed on 18 July 1977, led to the permanent presence of 40,000 to 60,000 Vietnamese soldiers who kept the regime in power against the armed resistance. In fact, Laos with its three million inhabitants, just like before the French colonization, became a Vietnamese protectorate.
In stark contrast with Laos, Pol Pot carried out bitter anti-Vietnamese politics. In 1977, the Khmer Rouge plundered at the border with Vietnam. With the support of China, they wanted to invade the Kampuchea Krom area that the Vietnamese had conquered centuries ago. These border incidents soured the Vietnamese-Chinese relations, and from July 1978 again many ethnic Chinese moved from Vietnam to their motherland.
With the support of the Soviet Union with whom a 25-year Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Cooperation was signed, the Vietnamese army invaded Cambodia on Christmas 1978. On 11 January 1979, the Vietnamese took Phnom Penh in a blaze of violence, while the Khmer Rouge were driven back to the border with Thailand. The Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the new pro-Vietnamese government headed by General Heng Samrin, a former chief of the Khmer Rouge, halted the genocide. In 1985, Samrin was replaced by Hun Sen, who also has a Khmer Rouge past. The goal of the Vietnamese was not the liberation of Cambodia from the horrors of the Khmer regime, but to prevent the Khmer regime from invading part of Vietnam.
After victories over France and the United States this Vietnamese invasion was sheer arrogance.
The new Cambodian government was internationally isolated and many countries followed the U.S. trade embargo against Vietnam. The European Union halted all development aid and Vietnam no longer got loans from the IMF and the World Bank. For the already fragile Vietnamese economy, the consequences were disastrous while the food situation further worsened. The government introduced a ration of thirty pounds per month and distributed tapioca and other starches because of the lack of rice. Also meat and fish, the major protein components in the Vietnamese diet, were scarce. Many fishermen could not sail for lack of fuel or fled the country with their boat.
War with China
Despite the massive Chinese aid to Vietnam in the period 1949-1969, both countries were at odds for historical reasons. On the one hand the Vietnamese feared excessive Chinese interference, while on the other hand the Chinese were apprehensive of the growing Vietnamese influence in Indochina. After the protectorate in Laos, the occupation of Cambodia was a bridge too far for the Chinese. They invaded Vietnam in February 1979 and destroyed the border town of Lang Son. But after seventeen days of fierce fighting, Vietnam beat the Chinese with the support of the Soviet Union. The latter failed on the tactical, strategic, logistics and communications level. 260,000 ethnic Chinese, including many traders from Cholon, the business district of Ho Chi Minh City, escaped by boat to their motherland. That exodus took place in a tense atmosphere. Indeed, the Chinese boats were not allowed to enter the Vietnamese territorial waters.
The government in Hanoi sat between two chairs. In addition to the threat to their own country along the 1,350 km-long border with China, the China-backed Khmer Rouge in Cambodia were still not defeated. More than ever, Vietnam was dependent on the Soviet Union. This country paid the full cost of the 200,000 soldiers in Cambodia. But as from 1982, after a thaw occurred in the relation between the Soviet Union and China, this support was reduced. Furthermore, the United Nations recognized the coalition government in exile of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. This government was formed by the US-backed "Sihanoukists ', the nationalists of the ousted prime minister Son Sann and the Khmer Rouge of Khieu Samphan who replaced the diseased Pol Pot and who had the strongest military forces. Nevertheless, the Vietnamese stayed in Cambodia. They funded the occupation with large-scale logging, thereby depriving the country of its most valuable commodity.
Discrimination reinforced dualisation
Ton Duc Thang, the President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, died on 30 March 1980 at the age of 91. He primarily had a ceremonial role. Then, in application of the Constitution, the State Council or the "collective leadership" was installed. This variant of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union had extensive legislative and executive powers. The President of the Council of State who also headed the army, was the number two of the regime, after the Secretary-General of the party. The 74-year veteran Truong Chinh got that job. This did not affect the policy. For example Hoang Son, the government spokesman in Hanoi, criticized the 6.5 million inhabitants of the south whose relatives served under the former regime or who had been members of anti-communist parties. And in July 1986 Dao Thien Thi underlined in Tap Chi Cong magazine that when recruiting staff, public companies should give priority to families of deceased soldiers, wounded veterans and those who had served revolution.
Discrimination on the basis of family background was the norm in the education system. In 1984, Prime Minister Pham Van Dong proclaimed that "the heart and soul of every student must be filled with hatred for capitalism and imperialism and love of socialism and proletarian internationalism." The places in the best colleges and universities, and scholarships in the countries of the former Eastern bloc were allocated by priority to the children of party members. They are almost without exception from the north of the country. As from the school year 1984-1985, membership of the Communist Youth League was again mandatory for all college students. The Vietnamese youth were growing up in a dual society. Gangs led by children of high party officials, who were inviolable and whose future was assured, terrorized the high schools in Ho Chi Minh City while talented young people from the "wrong" families were denied access to the university.
Furthermore, the government continued the deportation to the New Economic Zones. In the period 1981 to 1988 this concerned about two million inhabitants, of which 1.7 million from the south. Most were family members of former South Vietnamese officials or soldiers. However, intense police controls did not stop the illegal emigration from the New Economic Zones to the cities. In the province of Dac Lac in the central highlands the population doubled in the years 1975 to 1988 due to the influx of 400,000 immigrants, thus making the original inhabitants, the ethnic minorities of the Degar or Montagnards, a minority
Pilgrimage to La Vang
The anti-religious policy continued unabated. On 12 December 1979, the government forcibly took over the Hoan Thien Hue Minor Seminary, where Nguyen Van Ly had studied from 1963-1966. "The seminar was the heart of the bishop," said Nguyen Kim Dien, "and now I have a heart failure ". Five seminarians received prison terms of between two and five years and eighty others were dismissed. They returned home, waiting for the approval of their application to the Major Seminary, roamed around or completed their priestly training abroad.
The pilgrimage to Our Lady of La Vang remained a thorn in the eye of the Communists. Although it was largely destroyed during the Easter Offensive of 1972, the place was still hugely popular. The government tried to keep away the visitors as much as possible. It prohibited the triennial celebration on August 15, and it reclassified two-thirds of that domain of 50 hectares for other uses. Nevertheless, on August 15, 1981, thousands of pilgrims went to La Vang by bicycle. At three o'clock in the morning a large delegation from the parish Doc So led by Nguyen Van Ly left for La Vang. At the checkpoint with road blocks near the market of My Chanh at 20 Km of La Vang, everyone was stopped. According to the police the pilgrims had violated the curfew, but this was no longer in force at that time. Because the pilgrims refused to return, an identity check was carried out. Nguyen Van Ly showed the temporary pass which he had received after the confiscation of his identity card. When the agents kept asking for his ID Van Ly said: "Don’t you know me? I'm Father Ly, "gesticulating as if he were the counterpart of party leader Le Duan or Prime Minister Pham Van Dong. Moreover, some pilgrims were not in possession of their identity card. "Is that card necessary for a day trip?" asked Van Ly.
At half past six in the morning officers of the State Security stopped a Lambretta minibus with eight nuns of the Order of the Holy Cross. They were on their way to La Vang, but they were not allowed to continue their journey. The officers told them that there were too many passengers on board and that they did not follow the trajectory of Dong Ba to the station of Hue as imposed by the license. When the sisters were ordered to leave the minibus and return home, Van Ly intervened. "If they are not allowed to go on a pilgrimage to La Vang because they are accused of traffic violations, we will wait here and pray the Rosary. If you hold us until the afternoon we will pray until noon. Furthermore we will pray until nightfall and if necessary we will stay here all night! "Van Ly put on his cassock and asked the pilgrims to kneel in prayer. As more pilgrims arrived in My Chanh, the prayers grew louder. The officers panicked. They had not yet completed all the identity checks and feared losing face if they would have to let go the pilgrims. Moreover, they felt uncomfortable because of the local population that was showing great interest in their doings.
The captain of the state of the State Security wanted to mediate. When the man who only had one arm got out of his car, he said in a friendly tone: "Oh, Brother Van Ly? Comrades, give him back his papers so he can continue his way. " But Van Ly refused:" It is not enough that you give back my passport. The papers of everyone should be returned. " The captain complied and the pilgrims were allowed to continue their journey on foot. Finally, because of the great distance, they were allowed to use their bike.
Parody led to imprisonment
The next day, Van Ly retrieved his original identity card in the administrative office of the district. When he left the church of Doc So in the morning, he asked: "Pray for me, because without papers I will not return." A parishioner gave Van Ly a lift to the district capital which is 25 kilometers away. As the substitute director was in a meeting, he got the advice to return. "I'll wait here," replied Van Ly and he repeated those words when at five o'clock in the evening, it was already dark, he was urged for the umpteenth time to leave the building. Suddenly the director showed up. He gave an identity card to Van Ly. Because Van Ly had no transport, the man brought Van Ly in his official car back to Doc So. For the first time he sat as a guest, and not as a prisoner, in the car of a Communist cadre.
A month later, on September 21, 1981, on the feast of St. Thomas Tran Van Thien, the Vietnamese martyr who died in 1838 and who is the patron saint of the seminarians, five seminarians led by Peter Phan Van Loi, played a parody of the pilgrimage to La Vang. The play that was called The sacrifice of our children to Our Lady pictured the struggle of two couples. They want to entrust their children to Our Lady in La Vang in preparation for their later priestly vocation, but are stopped at My Chanh. The ten-minute presentation was much applauded, but afterwards the actors were imprisoned in Thua Phu prison in Hue on charges of propaganda against the regime. During the court session Nguyen Van Ly denounced the intervention of the government during the pilgrimage and took all responsibility. But the five seminarians were sentenced to between four and two years. Peter Phan Van Loi got the most severe punishment, and when the government discovered that Archbishop Francis Xavier Nguyen Van Thuan already had him secretly ordained, he remained in jail for three years more.
Van Ly refused exile
After that judgment, Van Ly in Doc So gave out a number of statements in which he accused the government of violation of religious freedom. He broadcasted the tape recorded texts from the speaker on the church tower. And despite the prohibition to teach catechism, Van Ly continued to do so. However, late 1981 he was in the hospital of Hue for some time due to illness.
On 15 August 1982, Van Ly once again went by bike on a pilgrimage to La Vang with his parishioners and a group of believers from a neighboring parish. Again the police blocked the road in My Chanh. The faithful continued to pray by the side of the road, but were finally forced to return home. Shortly afterwards the 83-year-old Nguyen Van San, the father of Van Ly arrived in Doc So to visit his son. This was their last meeting.
On 24 September 1982, the Vietnamese government approved the ICCPR treaty on Civil and Political Rights. Article 18 guarantees citizens freedom of conscience, thought and religion and Article 19 freedom of opinion and expression. At the same time the ICESCR Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights was signed. Despite the binding nature of the two treaties Nguyen Van Ly appeared on November 20, 1982 before the People's Court of the province of Binh Tri Thien for organizing the illegal pilgrimages to La Vang. He was exiled to the residence of his parents in Quang Bien, but Van Ly refused to comply. In a letter that he widely distributed he accused the authorities of religious persecution and announced that he would only leave his parish at the request of the Archbishop. Through the speaker on the church tower, Van Ly publicly announced his decision. He had the support of many parishioners who watched over him day and night. During that time his father, Nguyen Van San, was partially paralyzed after a stroke and could not speak.
As the tension built, ever more believers watched over Van Ly to prevent his arrest. When security officers approached the church, the bells rang and the parishioners showed up in even greater numbers. When the head of the security, who came to negotiate, knocked on the door of the parish house, the children yelled in chorus: "Do not let him inside. He is here to take you away. "The man replied:" I give you my word of honor that you're safe. Let me speak with you. "Then the children screamed even louder:" Do not trust him! "The man lost his composure and said:" Are you going to listen to me or to those children? "Then Van Ly replied:" As pastor I follow the advice of my parishioners "and the man went away, seething with rage.
Second manifesto and arrest
Four and a half months later, on April 9, 1983, police surrounded the presbytery of Doc So in order to execute the decision of the People's Court. With his loudspeaker Van Ly mobilized the parishioners. On April 11, the third day of the siege, the use of the speaker was prohibited. In a letter to the People's Committee of Binh Tri Thien province Van Ly promised to suspend his activities on condition that he would get an official reply to his first manifesto from 1978, Seven fair and reasonable points.
When on 1 May 1983 a response was still not forthcoming, he wrote his second manifesto: My final and ultimate position. He again asked permission for the pilgrimage to La Vang, the exclusive jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Hue to appoint priests, and the revision of his exile to Quang Bien, the reversal of his removal from office, the cessation of the harassment of Christians because they protected their priests and their church, withdrawal of the "false allegations" regarding him opposing the revolution, and finally the withdrawal of the police around the presbytery of Doc So. Van Ly announced that he would continue his struggle until he would have obtained satisfaction on all points and said that he was prepared to suffer for his faith. Because of this firm stance, many parishioners, and some Buddhists, prevented his arrest for the next days and weeks. But on May 18, 1983, three hundred armed police encircled the church after the celebration of Holy Mass at six o'clock in the morning. The police violently carved a path between the faithful who wanted to prevent the arrest of Van Ly. He was beaten unconscious and some believers that also were beaten up were arrested. Furthermore, the police seized four valuable books and a number of recordings and radio sets.
Ten years imprisonment
The arrest of Van Ly took place in a period of increasing tension between the government and the non-recognized religious groups. A number of members of evangelical Protestant churches and the Hoa Hao received prison sentences. Also, the persecution of the underground Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam and the Catholic Congregation of the Mother Co-Redeemer continued unabated. For years the government tried to sully the good name of Van Ly by spreading rumors about his alleged relationship with women. For example in 1983 the rumor spread that Van Ly had a son who was being raised by his sister Nguyen Thi Hieu. What happened? One morning an abandoned child was found in the church of Quang Bien. After the church service and acting on the advice of Father Tran Tron, the church council asked Nguyen Thi Hieu, the sister of Van Ly, to rear the child. She accepted that task and the child was named Nguyen Duy Hong Phuc.
On July 31, 1983, Nguyen Van San died after a long illness at the age of 84. Van Ly heard the news during his remand in Thua Phu prison, but he was not allowed to attend his father's funeral. On 13 December the Provincial Court of Binh Tri Thien sentenced him to ten years' imprisonment and four years suspended imprisonment for "sabotaging the solidarity among people, disturbing the peace, opposing the revolution and destroying the unity of the people. "During his trial Van Ly denounced the anti-religious government policies and quoted Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien:" Resolution 297 is only a noose around the neck of the religions. "Amnesty International adopted Van Ly as a prisoner of conscience" because he is only imprisoned because of his peaceful religious belief and never used violence or incited to violence. "
The organization demanded his immediate and unconditional release and that he would be allowed to further perform his duties without restriction. "Vietnam should implement the ICCPR Convention on Civil and Political Rights. According to article 18, everyone either individually or in community with others and in public or private, has the freedom to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.”
Harsh living conditions in Thanh Cam
Nguyen Van Ly ended up in the infamous Thanh Cam reeducation camp in the province of Thanh Hoa, south of the capital Hanoi. Here many former top officials of the South Vietnamese regime were imprisoned. Due to the poor condition of the roads it took ten hours to drive the sixty miles from the provincial capital of Thanh Hoa. Also for the visitors the journey to that camp was difficult. They had to walk miles to the nearest bus stop.
Here Van Ly experienced that living conditions were the harshest in the most remote camps. The discipline was very strict and at any time, the prisoners could be searched and their cells inspected. In the camp a strict agenda for getting up, meals and forced labor was enforced. The prisoners had to perform physically demanding work in logging and agriculture because it "contributes to the improvement and re-education of prisoners, ensuring that they will not repeat their crime." But between the theory and practice was a world of difference. Due to the monthly production standard that was imposed on each camp, output was the primary aim. The management had no choice but to save up on investment, housing, food and medical care. The work was monotonous and exhausting, and the prisoners became machines.
Anyone who left his post or did not reach his quota was punished. Accidents at work were legion due to the lack of safety precautions and chronic malnutrition. Often sick or elderly prisoners of conscience had to carry out the heavy tasks, while the lighter work was given to the snitches or prisoners who officially "made progress in the way of re-education". Only on Sundays the prisoners were not forced to work, and during the annual Tet festival they got three days off.
Each day of nine hours was followed by the compulsory re-education classes and political education. After returning to their barracks few still had any energy left to do anything. For security reasons the lights remained on at night and the prisoners were required to sleep with their hands above the blankets and with their faces to the cell door.
On Sundays, the only day off, they cleaned their own barracks and they could borrow books or magazines from the prison library. However, the offer was limited to literature that is steeped in the ideal of 'socialist realism'. It is therefore not surprising that the prisoners were constantly consumed by an endless desire to return to their wives and children, freedom ... and good food, because everyday life was completely dominated by the food or the lack thereof. Twice a day in the cafeteria next to the dormitory at long wooden tables they were given a bowl of liquid rice, sometimes cooked vegetables and salty water. The quality of the meals was usually poor and the kitchen staff hardly respected the elementary rules of hygiene. Sometimes the rice was rotten or replaced with cassava, potatoes, corn or bo bo, a type of cat food.
Ruthless jailers
Most guards in Thanh Cam closely followed the guidelines and acted heavy handedly. Some were addicted to alcohol and were driven by lust for power and sadism. By commanding respect, they vented their frustrations and compensated for their feelings of inferiority, because this profession has only low social prestige. Their hatred of the prisoners led to degrading treatment. Some imposed brutal confiscation of the goods sent by relatives of the prisoners. Although giving blows was a daily occurrence, the warders did not always intervene when conflicts arose between prisoners. They respected the balance of power between the different clans because it ensured peace and stability.
Yet the life of the guards was not easy either. They stayed with their families in a separate section of the camp and were isolated from the outside world. The only appealing things were the higher wages and the many holidays. Since the guards were constantly entering and leaving the barracks, there was frequent contact. Some tried to get a piece of the action at every occasion. Only some showed interest in the prisoners of conscience and listened to western radio stations on shortwave.
Because of his protest against the unjust treatment of prisoners, Van Ly ended up in solitary confinement. There, the strictest regime was imposed. It was psychologically heavy to bear. In a tiny cell without any contact with the outside world, the eternal silence was broken only by the rattling of the keys of the guards who brought food. The food was identical to what was served in the camp, but the portions were halved. Therefore hunger gnawed even more. When Van Ly one day suffered from diarrhea, he had no other choice than to catch his stool in his bowl, thus preventing that it would land on the floor on which he had to sleep. When the next morning the guard brought the food, Van Ly asked to first rinse his bowl with water. The man did this, and then he got his meal in that bowl. For days the bowl stank of stool.
Surviving through solidarity
Due to the physical and especially the psychological torture many prisoners died a slow death. That was after all the perfidious purpose of the re-education camps. Through its inhumane character the detention was a constant source of conflicts. The coexistence in the barracks was not evident because of the lack of privacy, the diversity of the prison population, the incessant noise and the ever disturbing broadcasts through loudspeakers. The prisoners slept on wooden bunks and everyone saved scarce goods like toiletries, books, notes, and some food in a nightstand. These living conditions gradually affected the minds of the prisoners. Their mood swings were difficult to bear. Especially the release of inmates was a difficult period.
Sometimes Van Ly was allowed to write a letter to the family. That was pretty much his only meaningful activity. However, he had to comply with the censorship, and not all letters were sent. This also applied to the psychologically important incoming mail. And every three months up to one half hour visit was allowed. That was for the family the ideal opportunity to bring a maximum of twenty kilograms of food and medicines. Van Ly mainly had contact with his sister Nguyen Thi Hieu. Van Ly shared the food that he received with his hungry cellmates. This also happened with the blankets that relatives sent him. Since the number of blankets in the camp was insufficient, he gave priority to those who did not yet have a blanket.
Without solidarity, prisoners who did not get visits, letters, food packages or medication could barely survive. For in the camp any form of basic medical care was lacking. Many prisoners died of common diseases, or after a stroke, or due to a chronic disease such as leukemia and prostate cancer. Due to the widespread tuberculosis and self-mutilation detainees could obtain a transfer to a hospital. Thus they escaped the forced labor and got a better diet. Once a week everyone took a bath in the bathhouse where hardly any primitive soap was available.
Incident with a water bottle
One day after a hard morning of forced labor, the prisoners enjoyed an afternoon nap. However, they could not rest because a small group continued to make noise. Because nobody dared to go against that clique of former gangsters and thugs, Van Ly went over to them and said: "You have the right to eat and talk. However, all I ask is to make less noise so that the other prisoners can rest a bit before going back to work. "Under a barrage of insults and obscenities, Van Ly returned to his place. When the prisoners at night after their day's work and reeducation session returned to their barracks, the gang leader took revenge. His target was the water bottle of Van Ly that many wanted to have. The man threw it on the ground and broke it and cursed him . But Van Ly remained calm and said: "I apologize that something upsets you and I regret that I don’t have more things that you can destroy to make your anger subside. But there is one thing you should know. "" What then? " shouted the man. "While you have taken revenge, I have prayed for you, your wife, your children and your parents. I wish that you will be quickly released and that you can rejoin your loved ones. "Then Van Ly went to sleep. In the morning the gang leader sent one of his henchmen to ask Van Ly to come and see him. Some inmates feared for his safety, but Van Ly went straight to the gang leader. When he saw him, he immediately stood up. To everyone's surprise, he offered his apologies for the events of the past period and expressed his regret that he was not previously acquainted with Christ.
He announced that he would lead a more respectful life and that he wanted to become a Christian.
Immediately the news spread in the camp that Van Ly had not only been able to subdue a gang leader, but also that the man had begged him to become his student. From that moment on no one dared to steal anymore the food or other property of Van Ly.His premise was that when someone needs something because of the scarcity and the harsh living conditions in prison, he can take it. By working as hard as his companions and by putting into practice charity, he exercised a positive influence on many fellow prisoners. When in the late 1980s Van Ly was transferred to the camp Nam Ha, the former gang leader got his Bible.
Pastoral work tolerated
In addition to the concern for the material welfare of his cellmates, Van Ly was primarily concerned with their moral dispositions of mind. At the request of prisoners, Van Ly constantly explained Christianity and the interpretation of the Bible. And every day he supported and guided prisoners. In addition, he made time for personal prayer.
With Father Nguyen Huu Le who from 1976 until his release in 1988, also was imprisoned in the camp Thanh Cam, he held secret prayer meetings. When one day Van Ly was caught celebrating the Eucharist, he ended up in solitary confinement for months with heavy cuffs around his ankles. But once back in his barracks he resumed his pastoral activities. A number of prisoners became Christians in the camp, while others converted to Christianity after their release. When the famous poet Nguyen Chi Thien faith after initiation by Van Ly asked to become a Christian, Van Ly felt that the time was not yet ripe for his conversion.
After yet another warning from a guard that pastoral activities were not allowed, Van Ly replied: "If you would win the lottery, would not your heart overflow with joy? Would you not share that joy with your loved ones? I feel in myself through my faith so much joy that I want to share this with my fellow prisoners. I'm so joyful because we are brothers and sisters of each other. We have the same Father in heaven, a Lord who died for us out of love, who has risen from the dead and who taught us to love one another. After our death we too, like Him, will be resurrected so that we can enjoy eternal peace and eternal happiness. Why would I not be allowed to share that happiness with others? "The guard was impressed. More and more guards urged him to discreetly continue his pastoral activities because they did not want trouble with the camp leaders.
Taught a lesson after a complaint
A number of prisoners did household chores in the camp. Much coveted was the preparation and the distribution of the food. One day Van Ly was assigned that task. He worked together with his colleague Vinh who was imprisoned because the bishop of Bui Chu had him secretly ordained. Van Ly handed out the meals correctly, also during the holidays like Independence on 2 September, the eve of the celebration of May 1 and the Tet festival when exceptionally meat was on the menu. That meat was from the camp pigs and cattle. One day Van Ly was handing out meat in identical portions when the head guard ordered him: "Ly, give me a kilogram of meat." "I can’t possibly give you the meat of the prisoners," he replied. "However, I could ask to buy meat and give it to you if you want." Surprised, the head guard left, but he later sent a henchman with the same question. Again, the priest refused to give the meat.
This was not the first conflict with the head guard. When Van Ly and Vinh took stock of the kitchen inventory they discovered that he regularly stole large amounts of food. So far nobody did anything about this since that cruel man was known for his brutal treatment of prisoners. He was nicknamed "the spinning gold". Anyone who fell into disgrace, was so harshly punished that if he wanted to live, he had to bribe the man with gold. When Van Ly wanted to lodge a complaint with the camp administration, his fellow prisoners advised against this for fear of his life. But Van Ly lodged the complaint anyway. As expected, the prison director did not take it serious, and then the head guard taught Van Ly a lesson. He had to carry heavy loads with the excrement of the prisoners to the vegetable garden of the prison which was a few kilometers down the road. That was the most feared punishment, because of the unbearable stench and because during that journey he was not allowed to stop walking in order not to disturb the prisoners with the stench. He was also forced to move heavy stones.
When inspectors visited the prison camp Thanh Cam, the prisoners could express their views. But the camp directors put pressure on the prisoners to remain silent. Van Ly was the only prisoner who stood up and said: "I want to tell you some facts on condition that you will protect me from being killed." After Van Ly had made his report, he spent a few days in the residential block of the inspectors who investigated the case. The head guard was transferred to another prison. Before his departure, Van Ly told him: "I bear no grudge. I love you and wish you all the best. "But at his new workplace, the man again committed abuses and he ended up in jail.
Tense religious relations
Meanwhile, the religions remained a thorn in the eye of the government. Because the Patriotic Buddhist Liaison Committee was difficult to establish, the government undertook a new attempt to get the Buddhists into line. In November 1981, the Vietnamese Buddhist Church was founded. But also that vehicle got little support. And in 1980, the United Bishops Council was established. This was a tool of the patriotic bishops that served to persuade recalcitrant Catholics to cooperate with the regime. Because this also did not work, the newly established Committee for Solidarity of Patriotic Vietnamese Catholics in November 1983 made another attempt to further control the Catholic Church.
They wanted to follow the Chinese example by cutting the ties with Rome. All priests were invited to join. Since Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien of Hue repeatedly urged them not to do so, the government removed him from office in 1984. He was under house arrest and he was not allowed to exercise his priestly ministry. Because of his stubborn opposition Monsignor Dien was awarded an honorary doctorate from the University of Tübingen in Germany in 1985.
During his visit to South Korea, Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands in 1984, Pope John Paul II encouraged the Catholics in Vietnam to continue their work: "Everyone knows and appreciates your efforts and perseverance in difficult times. In this country, which suffered terribly under the unfortunate events during the war, you have worked hard to rebuild. You are doing very great efforts in education and health care. The church is substantially involved in these joint efforts. She also encourages this and wishes that everyone not only gets food and education, but also the opportunity to develop the best in themselves, including the religious expectations. And that in a context of peace with the other ethnic groups in Vietnam who want to live in peace and dignity. "The cautious wording of the Pope cannot be divorced from the diplomatic efforts to improve the situation of Catholics in Vietnam. Already in 1980, a first ad limina visit of the Vatican took place. The fact that the relation remained tense was shown by the arrest, also in 1984, of the brothers of the Congregation of Holy Family in Long Xuven. Because of the resistance against the confiscation of their monastery the brothers were imprisoned for years because of "anti-revolutionary activities".
The government’s policy on religion evolved into a form of tolerance for those who followed the rules. For example, young people with an interest in religious education had to participate in the activities of the Communist Youth League. Precisely because of the government’s control, the colleges for the training of Buddhist monks in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City were not very popular. In March 1985 the Government urged the Office for Religious Affairs to more effectively supervise the religious associations.
Economy went from bad to worse
Due to the birth surplus the population rose by 2.3 percent annually. In 1979, 42 percent of the Vietnamese were younger than fifteen years. This development put pressure on food supplies. According to a report by the United Nations, the consumption in 1984 averaged 1,850 calories, a quarter less than the minimum standard. Moreover, the government would have to create millions of new jobs because in the period 1981-1985 the influx of new workers into the labor market increased each year by 3.5 to four percent. That unemployment in the non-agricultural sector doubled from twenty to forty percent illustrated the disastrous economic situation. The annual income per capita fell from 1976 to 1980 from 101 to 91 dollars. In the poor northern provinces that figure even dropped from 81.6 to $ 57.8. Despite the increase to $ 99 in 1982, Vietnam remained one of the poorest countries in the world. Because of the high inflation the employees of public enterprises moonlighted several hours each day to make ends meet. In a rare candid article the party newspaper Nhan Dan warned in June 1982 that the core of the problem lay in the lack of party discipline and widespread corruption. According to the World Bank, seventy percent of the Vietnamese lived in poverty.
During the Second Five-Year Plan (1976-1980) industrial production rose by only 0.1 percent. Due to a lack of coordination and poor rail and road infrastructure, much equipment and many goods were not delivered on time. And because of lack of food and basic consumer goods, productivity decreased. Because of substandard management, production decreased in many factories, the cost increased and the quality of the goods decreased. Moreover, during the Chinese invasion of 1979, a major steel plant and a profitable mine were destroyed. Furthermore the continuing exodus of the Chinese paralyzed trade. Only the black market, where everything was available for big money, flourished. In addition a succession of typhoons, floods and droughts affected the fertile south. In 1980, an estimated ten thousand of the 13,246 socialist cooperatives did not run properly. In the first half of the 1980s, rice production decreased from twenty to fifteen million tons. Many Northern provinces where food had been traditionally scarce were faced again with chronic malnutrition. A famine threatened ten million Vietnamese. in 1986, the moderate reformer Vo Van Kiet, Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers and member of the Politburo, accused the state agencies of not making available sufficient chemical fertilizers and pesticides and criticized the pricing system. Due to the low prices for producers the export potential of jute, sugar, peanuts, coffee, tea and rubber remained underused.
Après nous le déluge
The reforms announced in January 1979 were aimed at making education more in line with economic needs. The training of more skilled workers, technicians and managers, would increase the level of the companies, which would in turn boost exports to other communist countries. However, the reorganization introduced as from the 1981-1982 school year did little to improve the situation. The morale of the underpaid teachers was low, the teacher shortage was increasing and the outdated school infrastructure could not provide specialized training. The quality of education remained low and therefore in higher education absenteeism and the outflow of students increased. Moreover, teachers no longer succeeded in indoctrinating the students with the lofty ideological ideals.
Due to its international isolation after the invasion of Cambodia, Vietnam was only supported by the Soviet Union, the Eastern European countries and Cuba. And the country became a member of Comecon, the Eastern European Economic Community. In order to decrease the huge debt, the government sent workers to the Soviet Union and East Germany. Despite the economic debacle the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party in March 1982 did not correct the course. Only in agriculture small reforms were introduced. Thus under certain conditions, farmers were allowed to work land that was not farmed by the collective farms and they got permission to sell their surplus above the production quota on the free market. The top of the Politburo remained in office, but six members were removed from office, including Defense Minister Vo Nguyen Giap and the reformist politician Nguyen Van Linh. But in June 1985, the latter was again appointed. From his exile in China Hong Hoang Van Hong revealed that the government obtained foreign currency through the sale of heroin.
When in 1985 Vietnam could no longer fulfill its debt obligations, the International Monetary Fund halted its credit facilities. With its back against the wall, the Government carried out a major currency reform in September 1985, because due to the towering inflation it could not pursue an economic policy. The devaluation of the dong was accompanied by maximum quotas for the retrieval of new money notes. Après nous le deluge or "After my reign, let chaos and destruction come" (in the sense that it would no longer matter to them), seemed to be the motto of the five elderly leaders who collectively governed the country since 1969. Prime Minister Pham Van Dong was 79 years old, party leader Le Duan and Truong Chinh 78 years, Le Duc Tho 74 and Pham Hung 74 years old.
6. Free market economy knows a difficult start (1986-1997)
Nguyen Van Linh architect of doi moi
Party leader Le Duan who after the death of Ho Chi Minh was the most influential politician in Vietnam, died on 10 July 1986. Truong Chinh took his place up to the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of December 1986. On that occasion, three top leaders left politics. These were the 79-year-old party leader Truong Chinh, the octogenarian Prime Minister Pham Van Dong and the 75-year-old Le Duc Tho. Such simultaneous departure is unprecedented in a communist country.
The economic pragmatist Nguyen Van Linh became the new strong man. With his 71 years he had a long record of service as party secretary of the Vietcong and the leader of the Tet Offensive in 1968. As party chief of Ho Chi Minh City he later introduced economic reforms that weakened or even abolished the Marxist dogmas. As an opponent of corruption he used the media to make his point. Due to the catastrophic economic situation the party congress approved the doi moi or renovation policy. "It will be doi moi la hay chet - refresh or perish," said Van Linh. The Fourth Five-Year Plan for the period 1986-1990 wanted to transform the centrally planned economy into a free market economy following the successful Chinese model. The provincial leaders supported the planned decentralization, but this development undermined the long-term position of power of the party top. Van Linh allowed controlled criticism of abuses of party members by the mass organizations. The 74-year-old outgoing interior minister and the head of the secret service Pham Hung became the new prime minister. After his death, Du Muoi took his place on 10 March 1988.
The following years ten percent of the nearly two million party members returned their membership card on charges of corruption or mismanagement. And the army newspaper Quan Doi Nhan Dan revealed what was unprecedented, how in the Haiphong harbor a general smuggled VCRs, televisions and cameras across the border. Furthermore, government officials driving around in Japanese sports cars were criticized. For Van Linh the shining example was Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev who after the disaster of Chernobyl implemented major reforms with the magic words glasnost, or openness, and perestroika, or restructuring. Yet the initially limited reforms led to endless bickering within the Politburo. The contrast between the pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese clan made way for discussions on economic policy. The reformists wanted more changes in the direction of a free market. However, the conservative hardliners, including Vo Chi Cong, the 75-year-old chairman of the State Council, thought that the pace of reform was too fast. They feared that this would undermine the party control.
Reform did not start under the best auspices
Anyway the doi moi did not start under the best auspices. The rice harvest decreased from 18.4 million tons in 1986 to 17.6 million ton in 1987due to drought, insect pests and the chronic lack of fertilizers and insecticides. In the north famine again threatened. Moreover, as a pariah in the international community Vietnam was devoid of foreign aid because of the occupation of Cambodia. When in 1988 the rice harvest decreased to 16.1 million tons, some aid was sparsely given because of the acute emergency. Thus the European Community sent 10,000 tons of rice. On the market in Hanoi the price of rice increased by half. Inflation peaked and on the black market you got for a dollar 3000 instead of 1,300 dong. However, the government announced the withdrawal of 50,000 troops from Cambodia. And by decree of 21 November 1988, every man between 18 and 45 years and every woman between 18 and 25 was required to perform work for the common good for ten days annually.
As a little Gorbachev Prime Minister Du Muoi imitated Soviet politics, but the tide did not turn. In 1988, inflation peaked to 775 percent. Oil prices quadrupled and a bowl of pho, the national soup, became three times more expensive. Because of the currency devaluation entrepreneurs did their business in dollars or gold and individuals paid in kind or exchanged goods. Again many people fled the country (boat people).
Liberalization of the agriculture solved the problem of malnutrition
As from January 1989, foreign companies were allowed to open branches and permanent representative offices in Vietnam. Within months, four contracts were signed for oil drilling off the coast. Also an upgrade of the New Economic Zones was carried out. Illegal immigrants from the cities were still deported to these zones but through a media campaign and public investment, the repression made place for conviction. Yet there was no change because the living and working conditions in those areas did not substantially improve. Especially the health, education, culture and recreation facilities remained poor. The first signs of a revival were seen in the south where the bureaucracy was less deeply rooted. After the increase of the interest on savings accounts many people placed their money in the bank so that inflation dropped to thirty percent. Furthermore a new devaluation of the dong was a heavy blow for the black market. The liberalization of agriculture allowed families to lease the land of their ancestors for a long term, without them becoming owners of the land. Also they were no longer required to sell their crop at a fixed price to the government, but were allowed to sell their harvest on the open market. Suddenly agricultural production increased by 27 percent so that the persistent chronic food shortage of the past half century was immediately gone. For the first time since the 1930s, Vietnam even exported rice again in 1989.
Withdrawal from Cambodia
On 29 July 1989 a conference on the future of Cambodia began in a tense atmosphere in Paris. The bottleneck was the formation of a strong government that would guide the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops. And that without the Khmer Rouge, the strongest military faction in the coalition government in exile of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, again seizing power. To compensate for the 40,000 to 50,000 fighters of the Chinese-backed Khmer Rouge, the American Congress provided arms aid to the followers of Sihanouk and the nationalists of Son Sann. In August 1989, the doomsday scenario of a civil war re-emerged when the parties in Paris parted without an agreement on the formation of an interim government and the holding of free elections.
However, by the end of September 1989, the Vietnamese occupation forces left the country as agreed. And in April 1990 a military offensive of General Heng Samrin and Prime Minister Hun Sen drove the Khmer Rouge back to the northwestern border with Thailand. Finally, on 23 October 1991, a peace agreement was signed. Cambodia was put under the tutelage of the United Nations for one year. As from March 1992, the 20,000-strong UN peacekeeping force UNTAC from 44 countries supervised the implementation of the ceasefire, the demobilization of seventy percent of the soldiers and the preparation of the elections. But the Khmer Rouge refused to disarm or to participate in the elections. A number of mass murders led to an exodus of 200,000 to 500,000 Vietnamese residents in Cambodia. The Fucinpec party of King Sihanouk and his son Ranarridh won the elections. But Hun Sen refused to hand over power and the UN mission did not intervene because it did not have a mandate. Cambodia got a government with two prime ministers: Hun Sen and Ranarridh.
The violence would only end in 1996. Some leaders of the Khmer Rouge, including the foreign minister, Ieng Sary, accepted the amnesty that Hun Sen had proposed. Only Pol Pot and butcher Ta Mok were not given amnesty. After a coup Hun Sen, who also controlled the army, became the undisputed leader of Cambodia in July 1997.
Increase in income, bureaucracy, inflation and unemployment
While the International Monetary Fund under pressure from the United States continued to impose conditions for the release of a loan of $ 130 million, the government in Hanoi issued licenses to seventy foreign projects worth sixty million dollars. The standard work Economics of the American liberal Nobel Prize laureate Paul Samuelson was translated in Vietnamese. To sell the change of course to the grassroots, Van Linh stated "that Vietnam did not introduce capitalism, only the free market economy". Even Ho Chi Minh was trotted out with his statement: "The poor need to be rich and the rich richer." Yet the reform bogged down in a morass of rules and corruption. Every investment license required the payment of bribes to at least a dozen ministers and committees. Also the regime was deeply involved in the reform. The Army participated in the construction of hotels and the construction of golf courses. The Ministry of Industry managed textile mills and the Ministry of Agriculture sold fertilizer. The annual income of the Vietnamese rose in 1989 to $ 150, but a year later, the inflation amounted to one hundred percent. The reduction of subsidies led to the closure of one in five state enterprises and a half million layoffs, while two in five barely kept their heads above water. Moreover new workers flooded the labor market. Besides the former soldiers from Cambodia and the Vietnamese who returned from the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc the new workers were immigrants from the countries around the Persian Gulf. In the absence of a functioning social security, many Vietnamese had no other choice than to earn extra money in the black economy. Economic growth fell from 5.5 percent in 1989 to 2.4 percent in 1990. The agricultural sector that employed 75 percent of the workforce and represented half of the gross domestic product grew by only 1.2 percent.
The decline in the quality of education was dramatic. Barely 33 percent of the young people attended high school and at the university only thirteen percent of the professors had obtained a doctorate. The children of the party leaders followed lessons in private schools which were allowed again from 1988.
Draconian press law
After the revolt on Tien An Men square in the Chinese capital Beijing in 1989, a draconian press law placed the Vietnamese media under the direct control of the Prime Minister Du Muoi. However, the circulation of the newspapers was small. Thus the party newspaper Nhan Dan only printed 200,000 copies. Many Vietnamese listened to the Vietnamese broadcasts of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Radio France International (RFI) and The Voice of America.
During the May 1 celebration in 1990, Vo Chi Cong, the chairman of the State Council, declared that "Faced with the crisis that socialism experiences, Vietnam remains faithful to the socialist ideals." He called on the population to "increased vigilance because reactionaries at home and abroad want to take advantage of the difficulties that the country encounters." The critical writer Duong Thu Huong was kicked out of the writers' union and the party. In 1991 she was imprisoned for six months after agents of the state security found a manifesto in her apartment that denounced communism. Incidentally underground critical pamphlets continued to circulate.
Yet gradually an implosion occurred from within. Illustrative in the period 1987 to 1992 is the halving of the number of members of the Ho Chi Minh Youth League, the traditional gateway to the university and the party. During his visit to Paris Bui Tin, the editor of the party newspaper Nhan Dan said: "Bureaucracy, irresponsibility, selfishness, corruption and fraud are hidden under an impudent realm of privileges and prerogatives. There is an alarming deterioration of the ethical, moral and spiritual values. "Never before had a communist fulminated so harshly against his comrades. After Bui Tin’s removal from the party, he wrote his memoirs Following Ho Chi Minh.
To camp Nam Ha
In the late 1980s, a number of top people of the former South Vietnamese administration and the army were released but many important figures were still behind bars. Van Ly was moved from Thanh Cam to the camp Nam Ha in Ba Sao sixty kilometers from the capital Hanoi. It was situated on the territory of the municipality Kim Bang in the province of Na Ham and fell under the direct administration of the government. The camp was divided into zones separated by high walls, and situated at the foot of the mountains. The prisoners had a view of the mountains from their barracks. Each barrack had two dormitories with sixty wooden bunk beds. Sometimes ninety to one hundred prisoners slept there. Next to dissidents also ordinary criminals were imprisoned in the camp. The square in front of the sleeping barracks served as a collection point. Here also the physical exercises were organized. And next to the water tower were the bathing facilities. The prisoners wore a dark blue prison uniform with the words Cai Tao - reeducation.
This move was good for Van Ly. The living conditions were milder than in Thanh Cam because the usually older camp guards did not act so brutally, and physical punishments were proportionate to the offenses. As punishment for minor offenses, the prisoners were forbidden to write a letter or receive food parcels. In severe cases the prisoner would be put in solitary confinement in an isolation cell with his feet shackled. Since the budget of the camp directors was very small, not only relatives but also friends were allowed to visit the prisoners and bring food parcels. In Nam Ha Van Ly was again in the cell with the poet Nguyen Chi Thien. Until his emigration to the United States in 1995, he spent 27 years in the camps. About Van Ly he said: "In addition to his strong faith he was a model inmate. He gave his love to the poorest and shared everything with inmates in need, regardless of their faith. His compassionate nature is so unique that he is respected by everyone, including the ordinary criminals and guards. Van Ly is also exceptionally brave. When in 1991 he only had to be in prison for another year, he saw a guard acting unethically by stealing food from other inmates. Van Ly wanted to start a protest action, knowing full well that the government could extend his prison term. Because we stayed in the same cell, I tried to convince him not to endanger his freedom: "The whole country is suffering from corruption. Don’t let your outrage about that one case be the cause of you remaining here longer. You can achieve much more by continuing your struggle outside the prison. Only after a long discussion Van Ly ceased his opposition. This showed that he had no fear."
International observers visiting
Due to the persistent reports of torture and ill-treatment in the Vietnamese camps Amnesty International and other human rights organizations after much insistence were allowed to visit some camps. In this way the government wanted to show that the prisoners were very well treated. In the north of the country two camps with a milder regime were on the list: Nam Ha and Ha Tay. In early February 1988 twenty foreign observers arrived. They were accompanied by a film crew. Before their visit, the camp was however quickly cleaned up, the sanitary facilities renovated and the living spaces embellished. The camp library got new books and current magazines. The sick were moved to nearby hospitals and half of the prisoners went out to work. This created the impression that the camp was not overcrowded. The observers visited the workshops, but were not allowed to talk to the prisoners. The executives of the prison answered the questions. At the end the delegation attended a ceremony in the square in front of the camp. In the context of amnesty on the occasion of the Tet festival, hundreds of prisoners were released. They paraded in dark gray trousers and a white shirt, the usual uniform. Before returning home, they were warned to behave for the last time.
Power Grab of Du Muoi
Already in 1990, the sick and ever beleaguered Nguyen Van Linh, the architect of the doi moi, announced to step down as party leader. At the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party in 1991, the 74-year-old Prime Minister Do Muoi succeeded him. His replacement at the head of the government was the 69-year-old Vo Van Kiet, also a supporter of the reforms. Under the new Constitution of 15 April 1992 Vietnam remained a one-party state with a leading role for the Communist Party. The party leads the society based on Marxism-Leninism and – a new element - the philosophy of Ho Chi Minh. This broadening of the ideological basis provided a response to the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989 and the abolition of the Soviet Union in 1991. Furthermore, the Constitution enshrines the dual policy of doi moi. Each resident is allowed to possess means of production, start a company and a joint venture. Only the land ownership remains prohibited. The companies in which foreigners invest money are immune from nationalization.
The abolition of the Council of State or the collective leadership increased the power of both the President, the Prime Minister, the Government and Parliament. The president who from now on was elected by parliament also was the head of the National Defense and Security Council. The first one to get that job was General Le Duc Anh, a representative of the conservative military establishment. In the elections of July 1992 the first independent candidates were on the lists, but they were screened beforehand. For any opponents of the regime were still arrested and sentenced to long prison terms. However the last former South Vietnamese army and government officials were released from the reeducation camps, seventeen years after their deportation to the Thirty Day Classes. The World Bank was of the opinion that Vietnam carried the potential to grow into an economic tiger. Its assets are its location and accessibility, the presence of natural resources, well-educated and cheap labor, the most liberal investment climate of South-East Asia and the tourist potential.
Europe breaks the isolation
In November 1990 the British Enterprise Oil discovered an oilfield 130 kilometers south of the coastal city of Vung Tau, whose quality is akin to those in the White Tiger field operated by Vietsov Petro, a Soviet-Vietnamese joint venture. As the ninth non-communist oil company Enterprise Oil entered into an exploration agreement with the Government. Despite the liberalization of the legislation to attract foreign money in the absence of banking regulations, interest in the financial sector remained small. Only in November 1990, an Indonesian Bank participated in the joint venture Indovina Bank.
On December 5, 1990, the European Community entered into diplomatic relations with Vietnam. Several countries were eager to enter this burgeoning market of sixty million consumers. In contrast, in the period 1981-1993, the Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush continued to demonize the country under the influence of the powerful anti-Vietnam Lobby. U.S. companies that exported products or technology to Vietnam risked hefty fines. For Vietnam the European interest was a godsend, for trade with the Soviet Union and the former Eastern Bloc countries, traditionally the main trading partners, had collapsed after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989. In March 1991 the Investment Forum for Vietnam in Ho Chi Minh City lured 600 representatives from 26 countries to Vietnam. And in the period 1988 to 1991 the government approved 304 foreign investment projects in the oil sector, banking and tourism worth $ 2.3 billion. Also in 1991, relations with China were normalized.
Mixed feelings about religious revival
Because of the economic growth the reduced state control over religion strengthened the religious revival. Thousands of new temples and pagodas of the Buddhists were growing into centers of spiritual life and every year the interest in the rituals and religious festivals grew. At the same time the churches of the Protestants and the Catholics were bursting at the seams. On August 15, 1988, the triannual pilgrimage to La Vang took place again and in 1996, the 24th edition of that Marian feast saw one hundred thousand pilgrims. As from 1987 the Catholic seminaries in Hanoi, Saigon, Can Tho and Vinh one by one reopened their doors. However, places were limited and only every six years new seminarians were accepted. Anyway the study of Marxism-Leninism was a compulsory subject.
Nevertheless the government looked at that revival with mixed feelings. On June 8, 1988, Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien died in suspicious circumstances in Hue. And on 21 November 1988, co-Adjutor Archbishop François Xavier Nguyen Van Thuan from Ho Chi Minh City was sent into exile abroad. He was in jail since 1975, including nine years in solitary confinement. This way the government reacted to the canonization in Rome on 24 November of 117 Vietnamese martyrs who since 1533 had died for their faith. According to Nguyen Quang Huu, head of the Committee for Religious Affairs, this "political decision violates the sovereignty of Vietnam and it constitutes an obstacle to the maintenance of friendly relations with the Vatican." Believers were not allowed to celebrate this recognition of Vietnamese Catholicism and in all documents the use of the word "martyrs" was banned. But after a visit by Cardinal Roger Etchegaray, the first papal envoy in Vietnam since the 1950s, again an ad limina visit to the Vietnamese Church took place in 1989. But the appointment of Jacob Le Van Man as Archbishop of Hue did not take place. In May 1991, the Government replaced Resolution 297 by a new decree which imposed additional restrictions and controls.
Van Ly is released in tense atmosphere
After Nguyen Van Ly was released on June 29, 1992 after more than nine years imprisonment, he visited in his prison clothes in Quang Bien the grave of his father. From that moment on he never mentioned the name of his father anymore and he also did not want others to mention his father anymore in his presence. In the archbishop's palace in Hue Van Ly was under constant police surveillance and the prohibition to celebrate Holy Mass remained in force. He used his spare time to study English. At night he recorded the newscasts of The Voice of America on tape, after which he studied these recordings.
In a petition to Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet the Catholic Bishops' Conference on 18 October 1992 denounced the lack of basic rights. But also in other religions discontent was growing. On May 21, 1993, the 52-year-old Buddhist Dao Quang Ho immolated himself near the Linh Mu Pagoda in Hue, one of the most famous Buddhist shrines in Vietnam, in protest against the religious politics. When the government did not give permission for his funeral demonstrations took place throughout the country. Five monks were sentenced to three and four years prison because of "disturbing the public order".
The presentation on 26 October 1993 to Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet of a new petition with grievances of the Catholic Bishops Conference two months later led to a modification of the decree with even more severe penalties for those who abuse religion. After the arrest of five Buddhists in Ho Chi Minh City in November 1994, that fate also befell the 77-year-old leader of the illegal United Buddhist Church, Thich Huyen Quang on January 3, 1995, because he had gone on a hunger strike in protest. Since 1982 the man had been living under house arrest in the temple of Hoi Phuoc. In July 1995, Archbishop Nguyen Van Binh of Ho Chi Minh City died. He had for many years collaborated with the regime. The refusal to replace him with the Apostolic Administrator Huynh Van Nghi illustrated that there was no thaw in the relations with the Catholic Church. The ad limina visit of the Vatican in 1996 did not untie that knot.
Ten points program led to international recognition
" Knowing the horrors of imprisonment in the camps," testified poet Nguyen Chi Thien, "I can’t understand that Van Ly already resumed the struggle a few years after his second prison term." Because he could no longer accept the distressing situation, on November 24, 1994, the Feast of the Vietnamese martyrs, he distributed his Ten-point program on the state of the Catholic Church in the Archdiocese of Hue. After earlier texts from 1978 and 1983 that third manifesto of Van Ly was his most powerful text, because it dealt with the situation of the Church throughout Vietnam. He wrote the text on the computer of his colleague, Peter Phan Van Loi and he also distributed numerous printed copies.
First Van Ly denounced the closure of the Minor Seminary of Hue. "Fifteen seminarians are waiting to be admitted to the Major seminary. What crimes have they committed? Isn’t that religious oppression? "Van Ly demanded the restoration of the privilege of the church to appoint bishops and priests and select seminarians." Even during the persecution of the Church in the period 1630-1885, the church retained control of the ordinations. But today, the government establishes the rules. Where does it get that right from? Everyone who is called by God, should be able to go to a seminary. The right to determine that number and to ordain priests belongs to the Church. This is the call of God and not that of Marx or socialism! The government wants to make the Church subordinate under the motto that "obedience to God must be accompanied by love for socialism '. But the more the Church is forced, the less she loves this tyrannical ideology. The tyranny of the mind is the most terrible and ominous that exists. "
Furthermore, he called the refusal to appoint Jacob Le Van Man as Archbishop of Hue "a brutal interference in Church affairs. When Van Man had committed a crime, the government would have him arrested. Why doesn’t the government adopt a conciliatory policy? Because he still doesn’t love socialism with all his heart? "Van Ly also highlighted the thorny issue of the underground operation of the Church. "A seminary education is not murder. Why should that be done secretly? "He denounced the ban on the construction of churches and liturgical celebrations in the New Economic Zones. Furthermore, he demanded the return of the seized schools, hospitals, orphanages, institutes for the handicapped and cultural centers.
"And when do we obtain the freedom to preach the Gospel?" Van Ly concluded: "The bishops and priests who toe the line of the government, distort the image of a Church that freely expresses the voice of conscience, and who fearlessly denounces all injustices and errors. If the Church does not adopt that policy, we see a weak Church who is more humiliated and abused every day and who collaborates with the regime to the disappointment of a large majority of the believers and those who admire the Vietnamese Catholic Church. Freedom of conscience and religion are the foundation of all other freedoms. I keep fighting until Vietnam knows a normal religious life.”
Driven by his indomitable temperament, Van Ly adopted a direct style. As a critical and independent thinker, he was not afraid to stick out his neck and he acted impulsively. It seems as if the years of incarceration in the camps had hardened his character even more. But the accusation that he would seek personal fame, is at odds with his humble character. Van Ly continued to fight with missionary zeal for religious freedom without taking into account the context, the circumstances, the efficiency and the consequences of his actions. The international distribution of the Ten-Point Program gave him recognition by international human rights organizations, which strengthened his position in his own country.
Losing on moral grounds
The Communist leaders were furious about the unexpected resumption of his fight, but they did not know how best to tackle him. During one month he was interrogated every day in the office of the Communist Party in Huong Vuong street 42 in Hue. He consistently wore his black cassock. Each time at the beginning of the interrogation he was asked to give the names of his co-workers and not to leak anything about the content of the conversations because they were state secrets. Van Ly replied: "First I take all the responsibility on me, and secondly I report all information to my superiors." He destroyed his interrogators: "Your words are worthless. Only the word of the Prime Minister or the Secretary General of the Communist Party could mean something. "When asked why he did not come to the office by car and why he always carried a suitcase, Van Ly replied:" I'm ready in case you arrest me. Then you don’t have to pay for that ride and in my suitcase I have a tube of toothpaste, a comb and a washcloth. "
During the interrogations he stuck to his principles. "First you must not threaten me with a criminal judgment such as forced labor or I become a martyr," he said. "Incidentally, during my ten years in the prison I have observed that your regime has even more deteriorated. Secondly you cannot expect me to change even one word in my Ten Point Program. Thirdly, I ask not to use my past against me. Everyone knows my wrongdoings and has forgiven me. Finally I’m not going to write anything else. The Ten Point Program is the most adequate representation of what I have to say. "
At the end of yet another interrogation an officer said: "From now on you restrain yourself! I am not asking you to retract one word of your text. The fact that we over here, in this interrogation cell lose on moral grounds, does not mean much. The prime minister must acknowledge our mistakes and accept that we lose on moral grounds."
Inspired teacher
In order to prevent Van Ly from infecting other priests with his ideas in the Archbishop's residence, the government moved him to the parish Nguyet Bieu in the sub district Thuy Bieu, seven kilometers from Hue on 3 July 1995. This meant exile because the parish counted less than a hundred believers. He succeeded his fellow dissident Nguyen Huu Giai. Van Ly called himself "a parishioner" because he was not allowed to celebrate Holly Mass or preach. The pastor of the liturgy was Tran Van Quy, a former classmate. Van Ly also remained under house arrest, which meant that guards permanently monitored his doings. Many treated Van Ly respectfully and apologized in personal conversations because they did not share his views. Some asked for more information about the Bible and ask to be baptized in secret. Incidentally Van Ly always approached his guards respectfully. In every prayer service he asked the faithful to pray for those who persecute the church. And in meetings with communist cadres, he invariably began with the words: "I wish you the peace of God" and ended with "We will pray for each other." Every night he wished the guards who kept watch around his house a good night.
Despite the limitations imposed on him, Van Ly did not throw in the towel. He served his parishioners with new initiatives. With the help of some co-workers, he taught French, English and music to hundreds of interested people. With some priests he bought a telescope and even students from Hanoi and Saigon attended his classes in astronomy. As an impassioned teacher Van Ly demanded the attention of his pupils, although the high degree of difficulty of the course and his limited experience as a teacher sometimes caused resentment. If someone did not understand something, he had the patience of Job to explain it again, but woe to his bones when he subsequently failed an exam. And anyone who did not pay attention was kicked out of the class after just one warning. Everyone was treated equally. For example, the director of a company in Hue had to leave the astronomy course. He was not allowed anymore to attend classes despite his apology.
Apart from a small fee for the electricity the lessons were free. And anyone who did not have money would be helped out. But when the bill at the end of the month was not right, Van Ly would be angry: "If some people are not sincere, I stop teaching." Then some students left the room. Van Ly who also taught astronomy in other parishes personally repaired the telescope . At the parish Dien Sahn he worked on it all night so that the students could use it the next day. The technically talented Van Ly also studied computer science, based on the realization that this could be an important tool for the dissemination of his ideas. He personally repaired computers and also installed a connection to the Internet. Also in that field he put his knowledge at the service of others and children of underprivileged parishioners received an initiation into the use of the PC. Every year his cousin Nguyen Vu Viet, the youngest son of his brother Nguyen San, attended his classes for a few weeks. Vu Viet who wanted to become a priest passed the diocesan entrance exam, but each year the government refused to accept him because of the activities of his uncle.
No Asian Tiger
Meanwhile, the opening of the Vietnamese market continued at an accelerated pace. In March 1993 the British Barclays Bank was the twentieth foreign bank that obtained a license to open a branch in Hanoi. And in October, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund granted a half billion dollars credit. Under pressure from the American business world cracks were beginning to show in the trade embargo imposed by the government in Washington. The sticky point was the cooperation of Vietnam in the detection of the MIA, or Missing In Action, the more than two thousand American soldiers who had disappeared during the war. On 3 February 1994, U.S. President Bill Clinton lifted the trade embargo and three months later the two countries opened diplomatic missions in each other's capitals. In July 1995 Vietnam joined ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which initially was an anti-communist organization. The Asean aspires to become the Free Trade Area Afta or Asian Free Trade Area.
Yet the high expectations were not met. Because despite the annual growth of between eight and nine percent, the low cost of labor, the abolition of price controls, low inflation and reform of the banking sector and taxation Vietnam did not become an Asian Tiger like Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. Why? A first sticky point remained the bureaucracy. Despite the limitation of the number of ministries from 40 to 24, any license required at least twenty stamps. Because the Vietnamese do not naturally dare to say 'no', the patience of the foreigners was endlessly put to the test. Moreover of the ten billion U.S. dollar investments that were pledged in 1996, only $ 2.7 billion were realized.
Furthermore, corruption was ineradicable. All officers, customs officials and politicians got their piece of the cake. Telecommunications, electricity, transportation, living expenses, and taxes were considerably more expensive for foreign entrepreneurs than for the Vietnamese. And building lasting relationships of trust was difficult because of the deeply rooted short-term thinking and the war trauma. Other structural constraints were the weak currency, poor infrastructure and the high population growth. Because of import restrictions and the granting of cheap rates, licenses and quotas, the share of public enterprises in gross domestic product in the years 1991 to 1993 increased from 33 to 44 percent. Moreover, foreign investment in the public enterprises made capitalism the greatest benefactor of the communist economy. Yet this development strengthened corruption and mismanagement and the fiscal and financial reforms did not follow the growth path of the economy and the restructuring of the six thousand public companies, of whom only a third were profitable slowed down.
Bustling cities bursting at the seams
In the cities that were bursting at the seams, the middle class yearned for electronics and luxury goods. Ho Chi Minh City that was called Saigon again by everyone, resembled the bustling city of the years before 1975. The city swelled to between five and six million inhabitants, including many illegal immigrants who survived in slums. The migration pressure from the countryside and the New Economic Zones broke down the system of residence permits and travel permits. The new five-star hotels and skyscrapers dominate the skyline of the commercial capital of Vietnam, and tower above the 19th century neo-Gothic cathedral. The broad, tree-lined avenues are dominated by a relentless traffic of cars, trucks and scooters, bicycles and rickshaws. Honking and the ringing of bicycle bells are part of the driving skills and traffic rules are hardly respected. With 10,500 fatalities in 2001, Vietnam heads the world’s list of deadly traffic accidents. Teenagers wear a pair of jeans and shirts with emblems of American universities. And the girls hide their faces behind a veil against the sun, because pale skin is in. The shops are full of computers, televisions, videos, stereo equipment, cameras and fake watches fake and counterfeit clothing. Chinese merchants sell cigarettes, whiskey and beer on the streets. The purchase of consumer goods is done mainly with money from relatives from abroad and the bribes of corruption. The city has fifty thousand prostitutes.
In Hanoi, where French colonial grandeur and Marxist austerity determine the atmosphere, young people also marvel at Levi's jeans, Calvin Klein Accessories, CDs of Madonna and mobile phones from Nokia. But besides that luxury here, too, much poverty prevails, because the welfare state of yesteryear has become a caricature. In the underbelly of society millions of Vietnamese face difficulties to make ends meet. Hawkers incessantly harass anyone to try to sell all sorts of junk, and between 1991 and 1995, juvenile crime rose by 150 percent.
Glaring poverty in the countryside
In 1994, 65 percent of the workforce was still active in agriculture, but that figure dropped. One of the biggest challenges for the regime was closing the gap between the rich cities and the impoverished countryside. There the situation had not improved since the introduction of doi moi. Because of the monoculture of rice and the state involvement, the food situation remained precarious in many places. Forty percent of the rural population was poor and in the most remote areas three quarters of the population lived below the poverty line. And unlike in the cities road and utilities were often lacking in rural areas. In 1994 the World Bank had granted a loan of $ 96 million to boost the rubber production. But because of its failing agricultural policy Vietnam was in 1997 still one of the poorest countries with an average annual income of $ 280.
7. Tougher approach led to economic success (1997-2004)
New generation seized power
In 1997, Radio Free Asia started its broadcasts in Vietnamese, but in the cities radio jamming by the Government made listening to the news difficult. And because of the potential threat to the regime, it put the brakes on the spread of the Internet. The Decree 31/CP of April 14, 1997 illustrates the return to the hard line. Anyone who opposed the government could disappear behind bars without trial or be placed under administrative supervision. "We have opened our doors and windows because we were in need of fresh air, but now the challenge is to keep out the flies," said a politician. This tougher policy was accompanied by a change of personnel at the top. In the parliamentary elections of 21 July 1997, the triumvirate that since 1991-92 called the shots was longer eligible. These were the octogenarian party leader Do Muoi, the 77-year-old President Le Duc Anh and the 81-year-old Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet.
For the 500 seats in the National Congress the Communist Party selected 664 candidates. 112 of them were not party members. That's a record. The government mobilized the voters at every opportunity. In Hanoi speakers called the people to fulfill their civic duty and women in traditional costumes encouraged passersby to cast their vote. The candidates of the Communist Party won 85 percent of the seats. In a candid commentary Tuoi Tre newspaper called on the parliament to act more vigorously and to take into account the wishes of the public.
The 66-year-old Lieutenant-General Le Kha Phieu became the new General Secretary of the Communist Party. As a former chief of the political department of the army, he was known for his orthodox views. In his first speech the new strongman accused "foreign forces who abused the economic and political liberalization in Vietnam to undermine communism." Le Kha Phieu had however no other choice than to continue the delicate balancing act to pursue an economic doi moi-policy under a communist government. The 60-year-old Tran Duc Luong became the new president, and the 64-year-old Phan Van Khai was promoted to the post of Prime Minister.
Revival after financial crisis congealed
In the autumn of 1997 a financial crisis engulfed South-East Asia. Because of their high performance emerging Asian countries attracted foreign investors in the 1990s. They were blinded by the annual growth rates of between eight and twelve percent. Also the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank praised the Asian economic miracle. But when the government in Thailand broke the link between the baht and the U.S. dollar because of its towering debt mountain the floodgates opened. In Vietnam the value of the dong plummeted, foreign investment decreased by forty percent and unemployment in the cities rose to seven percent. The government restrained the coverage of the crisis and promised once again to privatize public enterprises. The only exceptions were the firms that produced explosives, chemicals and radioactive products, printed money, and controlled the information networks.
However, Vietnam was little affected by the crisis because its currency was not traded abroad and the country had no stock exchange. The economic growth of five percent in 1998 was the highest of all the countries of ASEAN. However, the revival since the fall of 1999 only partially benefited Vietnam. The growth was still 3.5 percent. The growth still amounted to 3.5 percent. In addition to the illegal import of cheap goods from China and Thailand again only thirty percent of the approved investment projects were carried out, inflation increased to nine percent and the waste in state enterprises continued. Fearing mass layoffs the privatization was not carried out. However in the summer of 2000 a Stock Exchange for the
trading of stocks and bonds opened its doors in Ho Chi Minh City.
For the first time Vietnam was confronted with social tensions because the growth of the past years had not led to better working conditions. Moreover, the unemployment caused difficulties for many families. Many workers had to moonlight a few hours each day. Meanwhile, the situation in the rural areas went from bad to worse.
Balance between party clans
Le Kha Phieu also tackled corruption. Operation Clean Hands warned entrepreneurs to observe the rules, and a two-year campaign tackled corruption in the Communist Party. The party leader took aim at the provincial and local people's committees that used the economic liberalization to enrich themselves and weaken the ties with Hanoi. A number of corrupt party officials and civil servants were sentenced. In Ho Chi Minh City 77 persons appeared before the court, including entrepreneur Tang Minh Phung. They had defrauded the Vietnamese State Bank of $ 280 million via fake companies. Furthermore 26 teachers and education officials ended up in the cell for having given degrees to students because they had accepted bribes.
But that was only the tip of the iceberg. Forty percent of the budget of a program of UNDP, the development program of the United Nations, which was aimed at better governance in the province of Quang Binh, went to the foreign travel of family members of the authorities. And organized crime had infiltrated the highest party ranks. In June 2002, two Vice-Ministers of Police were accused of ties to the Mafia because of the release of Truong Van Cam, the leader of a crime syndicate. Later followed the arrest of Truong Tan Sang, a member of the Politburo. Between 1996 and 2000, as party president of Ho Chi Minh City, he had not only enriched himself illegally he had also failed to open an investigation against Van Cam. In that case, all together 150 arrests were made and the Mafia leader himself was sentenced to death in June 2003.
Nevertheless, the balance between the party clans remained unaffected. According to the principle of divide and rule each clan got its part and did not interfere with what the other clans did. As long as the "pie" was divided nicely, there appeared to be no problem at all. Meanwhile, the regime seized every opportunity to brush up its reputation. For example every year thousands of prisoners received amnesty on the occasion of Independence Day on 2 September and the Tet festival. The obligatory signing of the document in which the prisoners recognized their mistakes and asked for leniency meant that they were not eligible for amnesty. Moreover, the number of criminal, political and religious prisoners was a state secret and Vietnam still carried out the death penalty. In 2002, hundreds of people were sentenced to death and sixty were executed, double the amount of 2001. But according to human rights organizations, the actual number of executions was much higher.
Increasing religious intolerance
After repeated urging Abdelfattah Amor, Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance of the United Nations, visited the country in 1998. His freedom of movement was limited and he was not allowed to meet religious prisoners. After the publication of his report the authorities accused him of having acted in bad faith. But according to human rights organizations Amor painted an accurate picture, because the religious persecution continued unabated. Older monks of the underground Unified Buddhist Church were imprisoned in their pagodas and hundreds of followers of minority Protestant Churches were put over the border with Cambodia. Amnesty International denounced the conviction of members of the Hoa Hao "only because of their religious beliefs." And with the success of the Falong Gong in China in mind, the government kept a sharp eye on the thriving Cao Dai sect.
In February 1998, the visit of a delegation from the Vatican to Vietnam led to an agreement on the appointment of a number of bishops. But the government was annoyed by the celebration on August 15 of the two hundredth anniversary of the apparitions of Our Lady of La Vang. Me Quang Vinh, Director of the Office for Religious Affairs, asked "not to give any national attention to this local event." Travel agencies were not allowed to include the event in their programming and many Vietnamese from abroad did not get a visa. Parishioners were warned about the insecurity in the region and party leader Le Kha Phieu advised against the pilgrimage because of the crisis. Yet 200,000 Catholics attended the celebrations. On that occasion Archbishop Etienne Nguyen Nhu The of Hue observed the universe with the telescope of Nguyen Van Ly.
On 4 May 1999 the Government approved a new decree on religious practice, in replacement of the legislation of 1991. That aimed at better supervision of Buddhists and Catholics. Henceforth prior authorization was needed for all prayer meetings, retreats, restoring buildings and even placing saints.
Nguyet Bieu rebuilt
Each year monsoon rains ravaged large parts of Vietnam. In 1997, the balance of Hurricane Linda in the province of Ca Mau was 235 dead and 2,500 missing, and the destruction of 135,000 houses and numerous roads, dams and bridges. In March 1999 famine threatened a half million people in Central and North Vietnam because the harvest had failed as a result of the prolonged drought. And in November of that year the worst floods in a century claimed seven hundred victims in central Vietnam. In some places more than two meters of rain fell in three days. Although the bad weather rendered the relief efforts difficult, Nguyen Van Ly was tirelessly toiling day and night because even his parish Nguyet Bieu which lies near the Perfume River, was severely affected. The people helped each other with risk to their own lives. For example Van Ly buried a body that had already been floating on the water for several days and was in a state of decomposition. With a loan of two hundred million piastres he bought rice in order to meet the food needs, and he bought lifeboats and roofing material to repair the worst affected homes. Asking for foreign aid, he was the first priest of the Archdiocese of Hue to use the Internet. With the support of the US-based Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam more than $ 20,000 was transferred to his account. After repayment of the loan clothing and blankets were bought with the remaining money. Van Ly accounted for every dollar to his benefactors.
When the water subsided once again with foreign support one billion piastres was invested in sustainable reconstruction of housing and preventive measures such as the construction of higher dikes and training of the population. Furthermore Van Ly built a new parish house with one floor, unique in the region, which could serve as a shelter for future floods.
Meanwhile, the space was used as a reading room and for teaching language, music and astronomy. The parishioners looked up to Van Ly because everything he received went to the needy. Personally he maintained a sober lifestyle. He ate little and drove around his parish in an old Honda from 1968.
However, the government followed his actions with suspicion because all the gifts of the Viet Kieu or overseas Vietnamese were inherently suspect. For example in 1995 the monks of the underground Unified Buddhist Church were imprisoned for participating in an unauthorized aid mission in the Mekong Delta.
The government opposed the building of the parish center because Van Ly did not have a planning permission, but ultimately the case was dropped. Also his colleague, Nguyen Huu Giai was involved in helping out in the severely affected parish Luong Van. The most critical voices against the regime were also strongly committed to alleviating the needs of the population.
Yet the prevention of floods is not clear cut. In the dry season 2,000 cubic meters per second flows through the Mekong and in the monsoon months up to 50,000 cubic meters. In October 2001 new flooding in the southern Mekong Delta claimed 341 lives and damaged a quarter million homes. And from April 2003, Vietnam experienced the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome, or SARS virus, a contagious form of pneumonia that spread from China. The World Health Organization registered in Vietnam 62 infections, including four deadly. And in January 2004 the bird flu or the H5N1 virus hit Vietnam. Draconian measures, such as mass culling and vaccination of chickens and ducks stopped the spread of the disease. Vietnam was in the period 2003-2005 the hardest hit country with 42 dead. The resurgence of bird flu in 2007-2008 again claimed ten victims.
Sex industry, trafficking and drug use
In line with their prudish tradition the possession and sale of pornography is banned in Asian countries. Although in February 2004 two Vietnamese were sentenced to six months imprisonment for watching porn movies, the sex industry and prostitution are widespread. Recruiters buy or abduct young girls in the villages for the brothels and karaoke bars in the city. In the late 1990s, Vietnam had 600,000 sex workers. The involvement of the regime with the sex industry explains why only sporadically action is taken against the industry. In March 2004, two women got twenty years in prison for the sale of girls to brothels in China. Many Vietnamese women end up in foreign networks. This is why forty percent of the 70,000 sex workers in Phnom Penh come from Vietnam. The conviction in March 2006 of the former British rock singer Gary Glitter to three years in prison is illustrative of the widespread pedophilia. In addition, the Vietnamese have a bad reputation with regard to child labor and not only in their own country. Thus, hundreds of Vietnamese children work as slaves on cannabis plantations in Britain. And on February 20, 2008, the police arrested four people on account of the trade in babies for adoption.
In addition, mail order companies offer thousands of Vietnamese women like merchandise to single men in China. Just across the border Chinese mothers and their sons examine future brides. The reason for this lucrative trade is the shortage of marriageable women in China because of the one-child policy that was introduced in 1979. In China girls are often aborted or killed in order to get a male descendant. Because of their beauty and because they work hard, Vietnamese women are more desirable than those from Russia, North Korea, Laos or Burma. But also in Western countries, trading in Vietnamese women constitutes a large market.
The first HIV infection occurred in 1990. Because of the promotion of the use of condoms the spread of the virus was limited for a long time, but after the millennium, the number of infections increased rapidly due to the increase of drug use and the expansion of the sex industry. In 2001 the Ministry of Health reported an increase in the number of HIV positive people by a quarter to 42,365, but the actual number is a multiple thereof. And to cope with the rapidly increasing drug trade the smuggling of 600 grams carries the death penalty. On January 24, 2005 a court in Ho Chi Minh City sentenced seventeen drug traffickers to death, including two officers of the narcotics department.
War history : suffering as well an asset
In 1989, as a result of mediation by the United Nations, Vietnam and the United States reached an agreement on the Orderly Departure Program (ODP). The next six years 405,000 Vietnamese emigrated to the United States, including 123,000 former inmates of reeducation camps. And in December 1989, Hong Kong sent the first of 55,000 boat people back. Vietnam received financial assistance from Great Britain in exchange for the promise not to punish them. However under international outcry these forced repatriations ended. But in May 1992, anyone who did not obtain political asylum was returned anyway. From 1995 followed the repatriation of Vietnamese refugees from the other South-East Asian camps.
Meanwhile the country licks the wounds of war every day. In the provinces around the demilitarized zone are millions of unexploded mines, cluster bombs and artillery rockets. The Vietnamese NGO Renew estimates that ten percent of the fifteen million tons of bombs that the United States have dropped during the war, have not exploded. Not only is the clearance of these weapons painstakingly slow, but a quarter century after the end of the war these remnants of the war have already killed 10,500 and wounded 12,000. In some places the ecosystem is still as poisoned as in the 1970s. And about a million Vietnamese bear the consequences of the use of Agent Orange. This carcinogenic dioxin TCCD variation not only affects the nervous system, but is at the root of serious defects in 150,000 children. At first, a court in New York granted immunity to the American government and to the chemical companies Dow Chemical and Monsanto. Later, the ten thousand affected American war veterans were awarded damages and Vietnamese families received five dollars per disabled child.
In April 1995 Robert McNamara, former U.S. Secretary of Defense, wrote in his controversial memoir In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam that the war had been a terrible mistake. “We were totally wrong. We had no eye for the political, military, financial and human costs and constantly overestimated the threat of monolithic communism and underestimated the nationalist aspirations of Ho Chi Minh. "At a conference in Hanoi McNamara said in a conversation with his North Vietnamese counterpart, General Vo Nguyen Giap, that the war "could have been avoided or could have been at least ten years shorter."
The first Vietnam films such as Coming Home, The Deer Hunter and Apocalypse Now show a hallucinatory indictment of the madness of war. In 1986, Oliver Stone projected his own war experiences in the popular movie Platoon. In 1987, this example was followed by Full Metal Jacket by Stanley Kubrick, Gardens of Stone by Francis Ford Coppola and Hamburger Hill by John Irvin. Later the blockbusters Casualties of War by Brian De Palma and Born on the Fourth of July in 1989 and Heaven and Earth in 1993 by Oliver Stone kept the memory of the war alive. In the ever-popular Vietnam War movies the Vietnamese invariably are the good guys and the Americans are pictured as the bad guys.
When in 2002 actor Don Duong played ' another' role in the American movie We Were Soldiers, this movie was not only banned in Vietnam, but the actor was threatened with a acting ban. In 2003 with Line of sight and Men of valour the first video games in connection to the war were for sale on the market.
Furthermore, the country uses its war history as a tourist attraction. The main attraction is the Cu Chi tunnel complex near Saigon. To accommodate Western tourists the tunnels were broadened and heightened.
Diplomatic successes
In December 2000, China and Vietnam resolved their border dispute regarding the Gulf of Tonkin. During a state visit President Tran Duc Luong signed an agreement that defined the maritime border. But the establishment of the 1,350 km land border dragged on for another nine years, nor was a solution found with regard to the Spratly archipelago in the South China Sea. In addition to China and Vietnam also Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan and the Philippines claim that archipelago. This archipelago is not only rich in fish, but also contains an estimated 17.7 billion tons of gas and oil in the subsoil and is the fourth largest reserve in the world.
After the cancellation of 85 percent of the Vietnamese ruble debt the Russian President Vladimir Putin signed in Hanoi on March 1, 2001 an economic and military cooperation agreement. This provided for the dismantling of the Russian naval base in Cam Rahn. And in 1999, five years after the lifting of the embargo the United States and Vietnam entered into a trade agreement. This would only take effect after approval by the U.S. House of Representatives on 6 September 2001. The World Bank expected a doubling of Vietnamese exports to the United States. And for U.S. companies Vietnam was an alternative to China and Indonesia because of its cheap labor. U.S. airlines provide direct commercial links with Saigon.
Another tricky point is the management of the Mekong River, which with a length of 4900 km is one of the major rivers of Asia. It rises in the Himalayas and flows through China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. For the 65 million people along the banks, fish is a vital food source. Moreover, the sediment from the floods carries nutrients for agriculture. However the construction of dams in the upper river leads to tensions with countries in the delta. It is indeed feared that the fish stock will deteriorate significantly if the fish cannot swim upstream to reproduce. After a delay of eighteen months, due to protests from Cambodia and Vietnam, Laos started on 3 November 2012 the construction of the controversial Xayaburi dam which will be used for power generation.
Religious protests during visit Bill Clinton
In November 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton, arrived in Vietnam for an official visit. On the eve of his arrival, the relations were strained by the publication of a report that accused the Vietnamese government of preventing the spread of Christianity in all possible ways. In a televised broadcast of his speech at the University of Hanoi Clinton called for a more open society, "More freedom and human rights make the country prosperous. Political and religious freedoms don’t threaten the stability of a regime ". When Clinton before leaving again argued for greater freedom party leader Le Kha Phieu angrily said: "Vietnam does not tolerate any interference in its internal affairs."
During Clinton’s visit the Hoa Hao in the province of An Giang protested against the imprisonment of their leaders. When unrolling the banners with the slogans Human Rights for Vietnam and Religious Freedom in Vietnam, hundreds of officers in uniform and in civilian clothes brutally put down the demonstration. Two parishioners threatened suicide when the agents burned the holy brown flags which the Hoa Hao regard as sacred. Helen Ngo Thi Hien of the American Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam Nguyen Van Ly visited the presbytery of Nguyet Bieu. That meeting (see prologue) not only led to the arrest of two of his nephews and a niece, but also expedited the peaceful struggle for religious freedom. The evaluation of its Ten Point Program of 1994 revealed that the situation had hardly improved. Hue had an archbishop, Etienne Nguyen Nhu, the seminar was open again and twelve priests were ordained. However, 25 priests were now deceased, seventy percent of the clergy was over the age of sixty years and all of the restrictive measures remained in force. On 24 November 2000, six years to the day after the publication of his Ten Point Program, Van Ly distributed an updated version. Shortly thereafter followed a new manifesto: We need genuine religious freedom in Vietnam.
Religious freedom or death
In Nguyet Bieu Van Ly also pressed for the return of a piece of church land that the government had confiscated in 1975. On 4 December 2000 together with some parishioners he hung up banners with the slogan “we need real freedom of religion” on both the church tower and on the disputed land of 1,200 square meters. The state security removed the banners. Because of the national response, the government wanted to make available an equivalent piece of land. After all it was afraid of setting a precedent, because since 1954, the government had confiscated 2250 church lands. But the parishioners did not accept this proposal and sowed the church land. On 9 and 11 December 2000, in the heat of the battle, Van Ly affixed to the church the slogan Religious freedom or death, his most famous one-liner. When he was asked to remove the banners by the District Council of Thuy Bieu, Van Ly replied: "This important matter can only be settled by the central government in direct consultation with me." Because of all the commotion around that case Van Ly missed an appointment in Quang Bien with his older brother, Tri Nguyen Hong An. After his emigration to Australia he visited his motherland for the first time.
In an internationally distributed protest letter Van Ly wrote: "If you only visit the cities, you don’t get an accurate picture of the religious state of affairs. In cities the religious practice is allowed, while in the countryside drastic control measures are imposed”. This is illustrated by the arrest on December 7, 2000 of thousand demonstrators who denounced the violations of religious freedom in front of the prison of Cho Moi.
Fighting for all religions and lifting of the communist power monopoly
The following months Van Ly distributed nine documents in which he further elaborated his vision to specific audiences. Although he was always hammering on the same nails, this campaign contained two new elements. Firstly, he no longer campaigned for Catholics only, but also for all religious communities. His second original contribution was not the demand for benefits or privileges. Van Ly questioned the legitimacy of the regime and demanded the elimination of the power monopoly of the Communist Party.
In four letters to religious leaders and all parishioners he advocated the restoration of religious freedom and the return of church property. The fifth call asked the international community to no longer allow the "oppressive Vietnamese regime" to attend international conferences. And the sixth letter urged the teachers and the students to boycott the spread of communist ideology. The seventh letter urged MPs to abolish Article 4 of the Constitution of 1992, thereby abolishing the communist party itself.
First interreligious meeting
Although the government cut Van Ly’s phone and his Internet connection, Peter Phan Van Loi secretly published the texts one by one on the internet. The law-abiding Pastor Nguyen Kim Binh of the Phu Cam parish urged Van Ly to comply with the imposed constraints. Yet he continued his struggle. He was the first man to organize an interreligious meeting, a first in the history of Vietnam. In the Tu Hieu Pagoda Van Ly, Redemptorist Stephen Chan Tin, the Buddhist leaders Thich Thien Hanh en Thich Chan Tri, and Le Quang Liem of the Hoa Hao Church founded the Inter-Religious Council. In its Declaration on the Communist religious policy in Vietnam the Council on 27 December 2000 advocated for the cessation of the state interference, the restitution of church property and the release of religious prisoners.
In the United States the Commission on Religious Freedom advised to put Vietnam on the list of the Countries of Special Interest. But the administration of President George W. Bush did not react.
Transfer to An Truyen
On January 25, 2001, Van Ly published evidence to prove that the former Archbishop of Hue, Monsignor Dien, was murdered by poisoning in 1988. In his memory Van Ly with Stephen Chan Tin and the priests Nguyen Huu Giai and Peter Phan Van Loi founded the Priests Association Nguyen Kim Dien which grew into being the core organization of Catholic dissent in Vietnam.
The government had had enough. Under government pressure Archbishop Nguyen Nhu The transferred Van Ly on 5 February 2001 to the parish An Truyen, a poor rural village in Phu An in Thua Thien Hue Province. According to the Vietnamese news agency VNA this was done "because of the failure of Van Ly to comply with the decision regarding his probation." Despite the imposed limitations in the use of the telephone and Internet the government once again could not silence him. On February 13, a week after his arrival in An Truyen, his eighth call, in which he again called for the dissolution of the Communist Party circulated on the internet. A week later, his ninth letter: Let us unite, because we are winning. At the same time Thich Quang Do, the director of the Institute for the Propagation of the Faith of the illegal United Buddhist Church published his Eight lines of action for democracy in Vietnam.
In his new parish, Van Ly organized a prayer service in the morning and evening. He visited the sick and lonely, and improved the living conditions of the poorest inhabitants. With foreign aid the bamboo houses first got a stone floor and later brick walls. And students were given the opportunity to continue studying. Because of the importance of a good education, he taught French and English and started a computer class when the computers had been shipped from Nguyet Bieu.
First testimony before the U.S. Congress
Van Ly received an invitation from the U.S. Congress in Washington DC to testify on February 13, 2001 before the Committee on International Religious Freedom. Because the government refused an exit visa, he answered three questions in writing: What are the religious associations facing? Should Congress ratify the trade agreement with Vietnam? How can the United States in the short and long term contribute to the establishment of religious freedom?
Based on an update of his previously published texts, Van Ly offered a critical perspective on the situation. Great attention was paid to the tragedy of the seminars. "Informants of the regime are free to join, while access is denied to those who repeatedly got excellent scores on the entrance exams of the church." In some dioceses, the pastoral service is facing difficulties because of the ban on the ordination of priests. And the dioceses Hung Hoa, Hai Phong and Bui Chu are already waiting for eight years for a new bishop. Furthermore Van Ly denounced the lack of free speech: "Whoever advocates free speech, must fear for his own life, the safety of his family and prepare for martyrdom. On 7 February 2001, the security police found a diskette in my assistants’ desk with the draft of this text. They were detained all night and interrogated. "Van Ly asked that the religious affiliation would no longer be put on identity cards and repeated his pet subjects: the appointment of the priests by the church, the restitution of church property and the release of religious prisoners. He advised not to ratify the trade agreement with Vietnam as long as the fundamental freedoms were suppressed.
At the same meeting also a text was read from the 34-year-old journalist Nguyen Vu Binh, from 1992 to 2000 economic journalist of the newspaper Tap Chi Cong San. After his resignation in protest against the monopoly of the Communist Party, he is an ardent advocate of democracy and a multiparty system.
Media campaign against Van Ly
Despite the publication on the Internet only a few in Vietnam can read Van Ly’s text because of the government controls. However the media counterattacked. The news agency VNA declared that the hearing "only benefit the small group of overseas Vietnamese who want to incite to unrest and who undermine the country for their personal interests." The Army newspaper Quan Doi Nhan Dan criticized Van Ly: ' With his invitation to foreign hostile forces to intervene, he places a snake in his own henhouse. "Also the party newspaper Nhan Dan passed a severe judgment:" What a crazy idea he has! He harms the morality, the views and the soul of eighty million Vietnamese. Ironically Van Ly spreads foolish and baseless slander and twists the facts. "Phan Thuy Thanh, the spokeswoman for the Foreign Minister, said in the Asian Wall Street Journal:" Many Vietnamese criticize Van Ly because his statements go against the interests of the people. The trade relations between Vietnam and the United States shall not be affected by the actions of persons who willfully undermine these relations."
The pro-government priest Vo Van Tan was of the opinion that Van Ly went against the teachings of the Church: "A priest must teach religion and help people to experience the Bible, but not engage in economics and politics. Van Ly is a saboteur of the Christian religion. He must be punished by the archbishop and the government. " The newspaper Quan Doi Nhan Dan agreed:" Although the frustrated public, Catholics included, condemn the reactionary activities of Van Ly, he grimly and defiantly continues these activities. He makes no effort to hide that he is a puppet of the hostile forces in foreign countries. Everyone knows the evil acts of Van Ly and wants him to be severely punished. One wonders why he is still acting provocatively, ignores the law and spreads words that incite the Catholics to rioting. Van Ly has not given one sign of remorse or self-correction. Shouldn’t the authorities urgently stop the spreading of his poisonous ideas? "
Administrative arrest and nineteen summonses
Nguyen Vu Binh, whose testimony was also read in the U.S. Congress, was placed under house arrest. And by decree of February 26, 2001, the People's Committee of Thua Thien Hue province, placed Nguyen Van Ly under administrative arrest in An Truyen with limited mobility for two years "because of violations of the law and threatening national security."
He had to request permission to leave the village and every week he had to hand over a list of his activities. The prohibition to celebrate the Eucharist remained in force. Moreover a checkpoint on the only road to An Truyen prevented the visit of outsiders. On February 27, 2001, two hundred marshals encircled the church where as many parishioners were gathered. Seven executives made known the decree. But Van Ly announced that he would ignore it.
Next, he denounced the regime in a way that is unprecedented in a communist country. Between 11 March and 9 May 2001 he wrote nineteen summonses which each highlight in his known comprehensive way of writing one aspect of the human rights violations and religious oppression. Above each summons he wrote the slogan Lack of independence - Loss of freedom – No happiness, a parody of the words Independence - Freedom - Happiness on the official letterhead. Parishioners gave the texts secretly to Peter Phan Van Loi who posted them on the Internet.
On 9 April 2001 the Norwegian Member of Parliament Lars Rise together with hundreds of worshipers attended an evening service in the church of An Truyen and afterwards met Van Ly. Twenty minutes later his assistant reported that the police had surrounded the building. Rise and his entourage were arrested and interrogated until three o'clock. The next day at 8am the interrogation continued and shortly after noon, the delegation was put on a plane in Da Nang to Ho Chi Minh City and expelled from the country. Amnesty International reported that the police had arrested some villagers who had attended the prayer service during Rise’s visit.
Montagnards harshly persecuted
The report Religious Intolerance - Recent arrests of Buddhists of Amnesty International received international recognition and latent conflict with the Montagnards led to the worst riots since the Communist takeover. These mountain peoples in the central highlands are discriminated against because of their support for the Americans during the war and their commitment to the evangelical Protestant churches. Here lie the roots of the resistance movement FULRO that had been active in armed resistance against the regime until 1992. The Montagnards are wary of how after 1975 thousands of hectares of rainforest, their ancestral lands, were cleared to make way for coffee plantations. That operation is accompanied by a massive immigration. With the support of France, the European Union and the World Bank Vietnam in the 1990s became the second largest coffee exporter in the world, although due to the production of fifteen million bags a year the world coffee price collapsed.
After the arrest and torture of two Montagnards in Pleiku city in the province of Gia Lai on February 3, 2001 a violent confrontation with the police took place. The unrest spread to the neighboring province of Dak Lak. Government buildings were destroyed and riots claimed hundreds of seriously wounded victims. The government sent thirteen army regiments to restore order and closed hundreds of house churches. Helicopters and patrols combed the jungle in search of troublemakers. Religious gatherings were banned and the Wildlife Park Yok Thurs closed its doors. Journalists were no longer welcome in the provinces of Gia Lai and Dak Lak. The basis of this harsh approach was the fear of a resurgence of violence by the FULRO movement.
The arrested leaders were tortured and forced to make public apologies. Yet the people of the hermetically sealed central highlands remained restless. End of April 2001 during a demonstration of the Hoa Hao sect a woman set herself on fire. Of the thousands of Montagnards who escaped to Cambodia despite the closure of the border, 905 got political asylum in the United States.
New Party leader Nong Duc Manh
In the run-up to the Ninth Congress of the Communist Party the Interreligious Council in consultation with the Overseas Vietnamese Religious Council published on 30 April 2001 a first joint statement. The United Nations and governments worldwide were asked to put pressure on the government in Hanoi to cease the religious persecution. The conference itself sealed the fate of party leader Le Kha Phieu. In October 2000, Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet, President Le Duc Anh and former party leader Duo Muoi had accused him of a lack of ability. That was du jamais vu in Vietnamese politics. Before the Central Committee Le Kha Phieu defended himself like a lion, but the accusations of nepotism, the failing fight against corruption and the establishment of the A10 as a parallel secret service undermined his position.
The conference promoted the 61-year parliamentary speaker Nong Duc Manh to the post of new strongman. This pragmatic center figure is the first party leader without a war past. He has an academic title, belongs to the ethnic Thai minority and is rumored to be an illegitimate son of Ho Chi Minh. Nong Duc Manh announced that he would fight the negativity, the bureaucracy, wastage and corruption. Indeed, according to an internal investigation half the executives of the party were corrupt. And the Hong Kong consulting company Perc reported that due to the large autonomy of the provincial leaders corruption had increased since the crisis of 1997. However, the latter had extended their power considerably. The number of members of a provincial background in the Central Committee of the Party in the period 1982-2001 increased from 15.6 to 41 percent. An extra session of the party congress decided in March 2002 that party members are allowed to start a business as long as they prove to be a good entrepreneur, earn their money legally and let others share in their wealth.
Second testimony before the U.S. Congress
At the request of Elliott Abrams, the chairman of the Commission on International Religious Freedom of the U.S. Congress, Van Ly in a second testimony further explained the persecution of the Vietnamese Catholic Church. The text that was read on 16 May 2001 contained few new elements and to the disappointment of Van Ly his testimony did not make headlines in his own country.
Moreover due to his stubborn character he inadvertently hurt allies. Hoang Trong Dung who was mistreated by the government for his struggle for religious freedom, accidentally dropped a computer. This broke the expensive hard disk. Van Ly continued to blame Hoang Trong Dung, although he meant well with him. But their relationship cooled off.
Meanwhile, Van Ly broke his promise to visit his sick mother Tran Thi Kinh in Quang Bien in the spring of 2001. And when she was dying, he was not allowed to leave his home. But he said his final farewell on 16 May 2001 at 23:00 in a long phone conversation. The woman died four hours later, not knowing that her son would be re-arrested shortly afterwards.
Six hundred cops arrest Van Ly
Although diplomats expected a more flexible approach on human rights and religious freedom of party leader Nong Duc Manh, the dissidents were again harshly persecuted. The first in line was Nguyen Van Ly. On May 17, six hundred officers arrested him in his church, because the police wanted to come in greater numbers than the parishioners "At half past four in the morning we heard loud steps in front of the church," said an eyewitness. "As every morning, we were praying the Rosary. Suddenly many policemen entered the church. The faithful who cried Save our priest! were beaten with rubber truncheons and electric truncheons. An old woman who had stood watch the entire night, was thrown to the ground and kicked. When a seventy year old man who had kept guard in the church for hundred days wanted to open the door of the parish hall, police prevented him from doing so. Because he was beaten with electric truncheons his whole body was covered in blood. Also the parishioners in the hall were driven out by force. They stood against the wall and whoever moved was beaten up. While Van Ly was being led away, the police guarded the homes of all parishioners. No one was allowed to leave his house. "
The next day two hundred parishioners went to the seat of the People's Committee. When asked by the police, "Where are you going?" the children who walked in front of the parishioners said: "We want to visit our priest. Bring back our priest! "Again the police beat the parishioners with electric truncheons. But they yelled "Bring back our priest", "Down with the regime of terror" and "Religious freedom or death". A young woman asked: "Where did you hide him? If you have killed him and buried him clandestinely, bring us his body. "When the police threatened to shoot her, she shouted:" I'm ready to die! Shoot! "When the parishioners were forbidden to pray to the image of Our Lady on the church square, they went to the church, closely followed by the police. Upon entering, everyone was ordered to take off his straw hat for the agent who was filming the event.
Since Van Ly believed in everyone’s honesty, there was two thousand U.S. dollars for the purchase of a generator for the church in an open drawer in the sacristy. But the police took the money without mentioning this in their report. The official news agency VNA trotted out parishioner Nguyen Thi Khoa: "Unlike other priests who preach the faith and help the Catholics to live according to the Bible within the nation, Van Ly encourages the believers to seize land, prevents them from working on the irrigation and causes unrest. His arrest comes too late. "The parishioners were forbidden to further work the church land.
Fifteen years imprisonment
As with the death of his father in 1983, Van Ly was forbidden to attend the funeral of his mother. He was imprisoned in the Thua Phu prison in Hue where he previously had been. In that period other religious leaders also disappeared behind bars. Thich Quang Do, the 73-year-old leader of the underground Unified Buddhist Church, had to defend himself before a People's Committee in Ho Chi Minh City to answer for a number of "misleading statements". And in the southern city of An Giang Ho Van Truong and Truong Van Duc of the Hoa Hao sect were sentenced to respectively four and twelve years in prison for their participation in protest marches.
On 19 October 2001, the Provincial People's Court of Thua Thien during a two-hour process without public accused Van Ly of "disobedience in complying with the order of house arrest and destroying national solidarity politics". Without the involvement of a lawyer or a representative of the Archdiocese he was sentenced to fifteen years in prison and five years of house arrest. The Party newspaper Nhan Dan found that "saboteur Van Ly" should be quite satisfied with that "light punishment".
Second stay in campNam Ha in Ba Sao
TO COMPLETE
First remission
In mid-2003 the British MP David Alton, since the 1980s a well-known defender of religious dissidents worldwide, with his American colleague, Joseph Pitts, asked Prime Minister Phan Van Khai for the release of Nguyen Van Ly during a visit to Vietnam. The Head of the Office for Religious Affairs, Le Quang Vinh, who was also present, stressed that Van Ly was arrested for his subversive activities: "He upsets the population, he encourages the people to illegally seize land, and falsely declares that there is no real freedom in Vietnam and refuses to obey the authorities and to accept their control. Furthermore he arms his associates to fight the authorities." Asked by Alton where Van Ly had purchased weapons, Le Quang Vinh replied" it's not about fire arms it’s about sticks and knives. "
Yet the intervention had an effect. On August 26, 2003, the Court of Ha Nam province reduced the prison term of Van Ly to ten years. Despite the promise of an open process, the public and the press were not welcome. This remission was primarily intended to promote the image of the regime abroad. The association Freedom Now, a mediating organization for prisoners of conscience based in the U.S. capital Washington DC, from now on acted as an international lawyer for Van Ly.
Religious activities even more controlled
In January 2002, the Vietnamese bishops went to Rome for the first time for the fourth ad limina visit. But the involvement of the government in the appointments remained a stumbling block to the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Vatican. In the pastoral letter, the mission of the Catholic Church in Vietnam today to proclaim the Good News the bishops called on the faithful to make use of the new media.
After new protests in the central highlands in January 2003, the government through a more stringent control of religions wanted to prevent further ethnic and religious tensions. At the opening of a nine-day conference on religious freedom Party leader Nong Duc Manh called for a new religious policy that ensures social stability. The party indeed fears that religion would undermine its monopoly on power. Especially the rapid growth of Protestant evangelical house churches worries the government. Despite restrictive measures, such as the prohibition of religious instruction, the number of followers increased by six hundred percent. There are restrictions for public activities such as the pilgrimage to La Vang and the annual commemoration of the death of the founder of the Hoa Hao that mobilize hundreds of thousands of believers. The religious leaders can no longer hold opinions that deviate from the government line. In order to prove that it is serious about this, the government sentenced three leaders of the underground Unified Buddhist Church who were preparing a members congress. Among them, the 84-year-old Patriarch Thich Huyen Quang who has been under house arrest since 1982. However, he met Prime Minister Phan Van Khai, which is a first, and he was released a little later. When in October 2003 in the province of Binh Dinh the Unified Buddhist Church organized an unauthorized conference, the leaders were sentenced without trial.
On November 19, 2003, the U.S. House of Representatives denounced in Resolution 427 the Vietnamese government for the suppression of the Buddhists and the violations of human rights. When also the European Parliament adopted a motion to that effect the satellite organizations of the Communist Party in Hanoi organized five protest meetings. But the iron fist policy continued. Thus the Buddhist monk Trich Tri Luc who was seeking political asylum in Cambodia was kidnapped in Phnom Penh and tried in Vietnam. A short while later the 74-year-old Buddhist monk Thich Chan Hy immolated himself at the Lien Hoa pagoda in Charlotte Mechlenburg in the U.S. state of North Carolina. He left a letter with three wishes for Vietnam: freedom of religion, respect for human rights and democracy. In 2003, Vietnam occupied the third place on the World Watch List of the Persecution of Christians of the Protestant organization Open Doors. Only in North Korea and Saudi Arabia, the situation is even more distressing. After three consecutive negative annual reports of the Committee on Religious Freedom in the United States, the Secretary of State, Colin Powell, put Vietnam in September 2004 on the list of Countries of Special Interest. This means that the U.S. government can issue sanctions.
Heavy punishment for political dissidents
Fearing chaos as in the former Soviet Union, the government promised a gradual transition to democracy. Yet this was a mere sham, because every dissident voice was relentlessly suppressed as was illustrated by the case of the 33-year-old doctor Pham Hong Son who had posted a translation of the article What is democracy?on the website of the Embassy of the United States in Hanoi and distributed some copies to friends. He was sentenced to thirteen years imprisonment for espionage. After he was awarded the Hellman/Hammett prize for persecuted writers by Human Rights Watch that punishment was reduced to five years. And in December 2002, the dissident Nguyen Khac Toan also on charges of espionage ended up twelve years behind bars.
The government is trying by all means to control the internet anywhere. The citizens must either subscribe to an official network provider or register. Filters block access to websites containing pornography and anti-government propaganda. Because of the many restrictions in 2003 only 1.25 percent of the population had access to the Internet. The owners of the four thousand Internet cafes are instructed to keep an eye on their visitors. For the critical article Some Thoughts on the Chinese-Vietnamese border agreement that journalist Nguyen Vu Binh posted on the Internet, he was sentenced to seven years in prison. Because of the heavy censorship and the limited possibilities for printing or copying of texts only seldom criticism appeared at the surface. Beause he called for the release of all dissidents, the 78-year-old Tran Dung Tien, a former bodyguard of Ho Chi Minh, was sentenced to ten months imprisonment.
Peaceful demonstrations by Montagnards harshly suppressed
On the eve of Easter 2004, the Montagnards again organized peaceful demonstrations against the confiscation of their ancestral lands and the restriction of religious freedom. Behind the banner Moak Hrue Yesus KGU Hdip - A lucky day because Christ is risen, they marched from their former villages to the provincial capitals. In front of the buildings of the Communist Party an estimated 130,000 Montagnards kept public prayer vigils.
But as in 2001, the government harshly cracked down on the people. Some were killed and four hundred wounded, while hundreds of demonstrators were arrested. What exactly happened is difficult to ascertain because the area remains hermetically sealed off from the outside world. The Government restricted the movement of the mountain peoples even more. For example they could no longer apply for political asylum in Cambodia.
Laos and Cambodia embrace free market economy
In the early 1990s, in dirt poor Laos, Communist administrators introduced free market economy and the country became a member of ASEAN. But opening the doors to foreign investment and the privatization of public enterprises produced little effect, because with cheap labor only one cannot get an economy on track. And during the crisis in 1997, the value of the kip, the national currency, was decimated. General Khamtai Siphandon of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party who in 2001 started his third term as president, kept a tight rein. According to Amnesty International, human rights were still widely violated.
In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen remains the undisputed leader, although his ruling People's Party Chea Sim on July 28, 1998 once again lost the election to the royalist Funcinpec. On 29 October 2004, Norodom Sihamoni succeeded his ailing father as king of Cambodia. Norodom Sihanouk died on October 5, 2012. In 2005, also Hun Sen embraced the free market economy, and the Cambodian economy was growing annually by eleven percent. Yet Cambodia could not discard the shadow of the war past. The estimated 4-6000000 mines claim victims every day, and hang like a sword of Damocles over this society where 85 percent of the population is still active in agriculture. After the death of Pol Pot in April 1998, Prime Minister Hun Sen granted amnesty to Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea, two former leaders of the Khmer Rouge.
After six years of negotiations, Cambodia and the United Nations established in June 2003 a tribunal for the trial of five former leaders of the Khmer Rouge. The list includes head of state Khieu Samphan, foreign minister Ieng Sary and his wife, Minister of Social Affairs Ieng Thirith, ideologue Nuon Chea and Kaing Guek Eav or Duch, the butcher of Tuol Sleng. But the beginning of the operation was constantly postponed which is not surprising since the former leaders of the Khmer Rouge, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, all occupy key positions. After the start of the legal proceedings in February 2009 the Development Program of the United Nations froze the payment of wages because it had observed corruption. And a short while later the Canadian prosecutor Robert Petit resigned in protest against the bureaucracy. On July 26, 2010, Duch was sentenced to 35 years in prison and in November 2011 legal proceedings started against the other defendants. But in September 2012, the octogenarian Ieng Thirith was released because due to Alzheimer's disease she was mentally not fit to stand trial. Also the 87-year-old Ieng Sary struggles with health problems. Because the complex legal proceedings progress slowly, there is a real chance that the suspects will die before they are sentenced.
8. Non-violent struggle for freedom continued (2005-2007)
From a small cell to a large prison
On December 8, 2002, the United States based Vietnam Human Rights Network awarded its first Vietnam Human Rights Award to Nguyen Van Ly and the Buddhist leader Thich Quang Do. On June 16, 2003 both together with the Buddhist Thich Huyen Quang received the Homo Homini Award from the Czech organization People in Need. And on June 26, 2004 the University Eichstätt-Ingolstadt in Germany gave Van Ly the Shalom Award. The awards three years in succession from institutions from three countries, illustrates the international appreciation for his peaceful struggle. On 31 March 2004, the U.S. Congress called in a resolution for the release of Van Ly and also Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick, Archbishop of Washington DC, pressed for his release.
Because of these interventions Van Ly’s sentence was reduced. He was on the amnesty list of 8323 prisoners who would be released on January 31, 2005 to mark Tet. This also applied to the Buddhist monk Thich Thien Minh and physicist Nguyen Dan Que. The latter was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001 and had spent almost twenty years in the camps since 1978. "Instead of in a small cell, I’m now in a big prison," he said on his release. This also applies to Van Ly, because he was under house arrest in the Archbishop's palace in Hue. His brother, Nguyen Hoang An who emigrated to Australia in 1983, suggested that he also should emigrate to Australia. But Van Ly refused: "My struggle for human rights and religious freedom happens in Vietnam, not in Australia." The Priest Association Nguyen Kim then demanded the lifting of the house arrest.
Commemoration of the fall of Saigon
On 30 April 2005, Vietnam commemorated the thirtieth anniversary of the fall of Saigon. Although the country was still licking its war wounds, it wanted less and less to remember the war. On the beaches the abandoned American tanks were instead replaced with five star hotels because tourism experienced an explosive growth. And with an annual growth rate of seven per cent Vietnam again flourished. Although a third of the population still lived in poverty and twenty percent was unemployed, gross domestic product per capita rose above $ 300. The government was proud to be the largest exporter in the world of instant coffee and the third largest exporter of rice.
During the visit of Prime Minister Phan Van Khai to the United States in June 2005 President George W. Bush praised the economic progress and the increased religious freedom. He supported Vietnam's accession to the WTO. Although Van Khai reiterated that "Vietnam has no prisoners of conscience", people in different cities organized protest marches for religious freedom. Congressman Christopher Smith published a list of 77 actions that the government had undertaken in the past year against the Mennonite church. After a Vietnamese delegation to the Vatican had expressed the wish for diplomatic relations, a return visit followed by Cardinal Crescenzio Sepe, Prefect of the Congregation for the evangelization of peoples. On 24 November 2005, 57 priests were ordained, the largest number since 1975.
Advocating free speech and free elections
The Vietnamese language radio programs that Hoa Mai broadcasts from May 2005 from Southern California via shortwave, paid great attention to the respect for human rights and democracy. In a new campaign of letters, protests and calls Van Ly from August 2005 focused on civil liberties. For him, freedom of expression, the right of association and the right to vote are closely related to religious freedom. On October 17, 2005 he co-wrote the Call for multiparty elections and the Boycott of the single party election in 2007 of the Priests Association Nguyen Kim Dien. That was the first pro-democracy sound ahead of the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party in 2006 and the parliamentary elections of 2007. Shortly afterwards Van Ly wrote the pamphlets: Boycott of the single party election in 2007 and Ten conditions necessary for elections for the National Congress of May 20, 2007 to be able to speak of a multiparty system, free and fair elections and a warning for a general boycott.
The Priest Association Nguyen Kim then wrote in her Call for freedom of speech and expression on February 20, 2006: " As spiritual leaders Church leaders and intellectuals must consistently spread the truth via the global information highway. All citizens worldwide, even in backward countries like ours, should have access to this highway. "That the use of the Internet worried the authorities is proven by the arrest in an internet café in Hanoi of cyber-dissident Nguyen Khac Toan who was charged with consulting prohibited Internet sites, although he had only just left prison.
Bloc 8406
In their non-violent struggle for democracy five pro-democracy groups in the United States on January 1, 2006 joined forces in Dang Vi Dan Viet Nam or the Vietnamese Populist Party, the VPP. The Founder is Nguyen Cong Bang and priest Hong Trung coordinates the underground operation in Vietnam. The VPP launched the website www.dangvidanvietnam.net from the city of Houston. In addition, the pro-democracy party of Vietnamese exiles Dang Nhan Dan Hanh Dong Viet Nam and the Vietnamese People's Action Party, the PAP of Nguyen Si Binh has its base in Cambodia. And Do Hoang Diem initiated in the United States the relaunching of the Viet Nam Canh Tan Cach Mạng Dang movement or the Vietnamese Reform Party, the VRP, which is known by the acronym Viet Tan and the website www.viettan.org.
Shortly before the start of the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party on 18 April 2006 in Vietnam a group of dissidents openly took action. Buddhist monks, Catholic priests, former communists, war veterans, academics, teachers, writers, businessmen and ordinary citizens were part of this heterogeneous group. The leading figures are Do Nam Hai, the professors Hoang Minh Chinh and Nguyen Chinh Ket, lawyer Nguyen Van Dai, the leader of the Hoa Hao Buddhists Le Quang Liem, the Mennonite priest Nguyen Hong Quang, the Redemptorist Stephen Chan Tin and Nguyen Van Ly.
On April 6, 2006, the Manifesto on Freedom and Democracy for Vietnam bears 116 signatures. The common thread in this stinging indictment is the abolition of Article 4 of the Constitution which confers the power monopoly to the Communist Party, and the recognition of the democratic parties. Two days later, on April 8, the illustrious Democratic manifesto for democracy and freedom in Vietnam circulated on the internet. This four page analysis about the situation after the Communist takeover in 1975, advocated the complete replacement of the current political system. The single party state must yield to pluralism and competition between parties. The 118 signatories demanded the separation of the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. Furthermore, they demand the unconditional freedom of information, opinion, religion, assembly and association, and the free membership of independent trade unions. They want to reach that goal in a peaceful way. Referring to the date the movement is called Khoi 8406 or Bloc 8406. "It is extraordinary that hundreds of citizens freely and boldly support political change," said Brad Adams of Human Rights Watch.
The government did not intervene when on 15 April Nguyen Van Ly, Stephen Chan Tin and Peter Phan Van Loi spread a printed and an online version of the first edition of the underground magazine Tu do Ngôn luan – Freedom of Speech. It highlighted various aspects of the law, religion, politics and society. "Even if the magazine is only printed once before for our arrest," said Peter Phan Van Loi, " it would be worth it. It shows that we do not hesitate to exercise our rights. "End of April the second number appeared. Reporters and bloggers joined forces in the underground Free Vietnamese Journalists Association. The government prevented Duong Phu Cuong and Nguyen Huy Cuong from attending the conference on Free expression in Asian cyberspace in the Philippine capital Manila.
Continuity more important than change
In the run-up to the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party the Central Committee asked the opinion of the population about how a communist government can be reconciled with an open economy and more democracy. 1,500 officials, party members, veterans of the revolution and students answered that call. The newspapers and official websites published an anthology. "The current leaders are weak because they have deviated from Marxism-Leninism. They have lost their revolutionary fire and communist vision, "wrote Nguyen Van Binh, a former member of the Politburo. "Marxism-Leninism is like a torch that is slowly going out. Is it logical to still use such a wilting flame to lead our country, "asked war hero Dang Van Viet. Most observers predicted that everything would stay the same. "This is just a propaganda game," said writer Tran Manh Hao. However the shadow of a corruption scandal hung over the congress. Senior officials, politicians and party officials from the Ministry of Transport had used millions of Euros from development aid to gamble on football matches in Spain and England and to buy luxury cars. Nguyen Viet Tien, the Minister of Transport who was addicted to gambling was arrested.
In order to keep up the pressure Bloc 8406 published during the congress the Ten fundamental conditions for a truly free and democratic election for the National Assembly with multiple parties in 2007 declaration. At the meeting, the position of a number of veterans in the Politburo became untenable. And for a short moment party leader Nong Duc Manh was under discussion, but he stayed on. However President Tran Duc Luong was succeeded by the 58-year-old Nguyen Minh Triet. As a former party chief of Ho Chi Minh City, he is a rare South Vietnamese in a top position. And after ten years, Prime Minister Phan Van Khai disappeared from the scene. He was succeeded by the 56-year-old Nguyen Tan Dung. "The new Politburo immediately faced a big test," said Brad Adams of Human Rights Watch. "Will the younger generation make more room for dissent and pluralism?" But soon it appeared that continuity prevailed over the desire for change. Nothing was done for the creation of an independent central bank which had been promised for years, or for better education and more transparency and legal certainty. And the fight against corruption and bureaucracy was only lip service. Why? Because the politicians decided who is to be charged. And each investigation of a high-ranking person naturally fades away because his network takes action. Nguyen Viet Tien, Vice Minister of Transport, was released from prison after the party congress.
Bloc 8406 leaders imprisoned and released
The generation of young and highly educated intellectuals of Bloc 8406 placed the party before its biggest challenge in decades. For despite its limited size the success of Bloc 8406 inspired fear. On 8 May, a month after the launch, 424 Vietnamese endorsed the manifesto and on August 15, 2006, this number had increased to 1843. In addition, there were a few thousand signatures of Viet Kieu or overseas Vietnamese.
Three prominent signatories ended up behind bars: the author of the text, Do Nam Hai, the Mennonite priest Nguyen Hong Quang and lawyer Nguyen Van Dai. On April 30, the 178 signatories of the two manifestos protested and when more arrests followed Phan Van Loi and Nguyen Van Ly threatened to go on hunger strike. Van Ly distributed his Profile of the peace warrior in Vietnam today. This warrior must have seven characteristics: live a spiritual life and be humble, righteous, pure and kind, pass an accurate judgment on communism and the government; be peaceful and friendly in his heart, use the Internet, devise a realistic plan for the future, and finally dare to face the tyranny.
After a protest letter of fifty members of the U.S. Congress on May 9, 2006, the three detainees were released from prison. However, in the wake of the corruption scandal on 1 July 2006 a more severe press law was promulgated. Journalists who criticize the heroes of the country or its institutions, risk hefty fines.
Vietnamese Progress Party VNPP
In the run-up to the APEC conference in Hanoi from 15 to 22 November 2006, Bloc 8406 increased the pressure. Many world leaders were expected to attend the conference, including U.S. President George W. Bush. On its website www.viettan.org the Reform Party VRP warned: "A favorite tactic of the regime is to arrest the dissidents before the meeting and afterwards, when the intended privileges are acquired." In an open letter on August 5, 2006 to the leaders of the APEC countries three members of Bloc 8406, including Nguyen Van Ly wrote, "the market economy with a socialist orientation is a barrel full of contradictions that is unheard of in the history of the economy. The prerequisite for stability and economic prosperity in the long term is political pluralism. "
With a raid in which five members of Bloc 8406 were arrested, the government wanted to prevent the new online political magazine Freedom and Democracy from being distributed on August 15. Meanwhile, Van Ly was a contributor of the Guide for the democratization of Vietnam, a long term strategy which provided four phases with eight milestones. The goal in Phase 4 is the preparation of free elections (Milestone 7) and the adoption by Parliament of a new constitution (Milestone 8). On August 22, 2006, 1872 Vietnamese, including former army officer Tran Anh Kim signed that four step plan. To achieve that goal, Van Ly together with Dinh Cuan Minh, a priest who resides in Germany, founded on September 8, 2006 the Dang Thang Tien Viet Nam or the Vietnamese Progress Party. Van Ly only acted as an adviser to the VNPP because a priest traditionally cannot be a member of any political party. However, his political commitment received a mixed reception in some Catholic circles. The U.S. Republican Congressman Christopher Smith met Van Ly during his visit to Vietnam in the Archbishop's palace in Hue. But later policemen in civilian clothes prevented the visit of a
delegation of Australian MPs.
In addition, at the initiative of the 84-year-old former party member Hoang Minh Chinh,a founding member of Bloc 8406, the Dang Dan Chu Viet Nam or the Democratic Party Vietnam was relaunched. The DVP, founded in 1944, grew under communist rule into a puppet party that was part of the Fatherland Front. Until its abolition it counted in 1988 some MPs.
Repression before Apec summit
The emerging dissent was inconvenient for the government who wanted to gain favor from the international community with a view to accession to the WTO. On Independence Day, September 2, the media highlighted the amnesty for 5,300 prisoners. Among the lucky ones were prisoner of conscience Ma Van Bay and cyber-dissident Pham Hong Son.
On October 16, 2006, partly on the advice of Van Ly, Bloc 8406 and the underground Unified Buddhist Church founded the Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Vietnam. This joint force in the fight for freedom, democracy and respect for human rights got a solid structure. Besides the four-member Executive Committee the Advisory Board comprised fourteen members and 118 representatives of member organizations are active in ten committees.
Afraid of negative publicity in the international media, the authorities did not bother to arrest the most famous dissidents. Only lawyer Nguyen Van Dai was put under house arrest from 9 to 14 November, the eve of the summit. However, Nguyen Van Ly remained under house arrest. By cordoning off streets, shutting down phone lines and restricting the freedom of movement the state security prevented members of Bloc 8406 from contacting foreign representatives. However, the lesser known opposition groups were treated harshly. Thus, the four leaders of the United Organization of Workers and Farmers, an independent trade union, were arrested. And Bui Thi Kim Thanh, the 47-year-old lawyer, land rights activist and member of the Democratic Party of Vietnam, the DPV, was interned in a psychiatric hospital in Bien Hoa. Other dissidents and their relatives were bullied, harassed, interrogated or their computers and mobile phones confiscated. Vu Hoang Hai was even tortured.
Member of WTO
The photo of the smiling President Bush under a statue of Ho Chi Minh in Hanoi did not bode well for the human rights activists. Bush attended a church service and supported in vague words religious freedom. But on his advice the U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice deleted Vietnam from the list of countries of particular interest although the religious persecution persisted. That is proven by the advice of the U.S. Commission on Religious Freedom and the report with the title Vietnam even increases the suppression of religious freedom of Nguyen Van Dai. Because the list of detainees grew longer after the APEC conference, Bloc 8406 on the initiative of Van Ly launched the Day of democracy. Inspired by the Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine everyone was asked to wear a white t-shirt on every first and fifteenth day of the month as a form of peaceful protest.
Despite opposition from Christopher Smith the U.S. Congress adopted the permanent trade relation with Vietnam in December 2006. The government in Hanoi signed the Convention against Forced Labor of the International Labor Organization on 10 January 2007 and became the 150th member of the WTO. Vietnam got access to more foreign markets, while the removal of import duties and trade barriers opened its own market to foreign companies. On January 31, 2007 the Central Committee of the Party announced the privatization of hundreds of military enterprises in shipbuilding, textiles, tourism, telecommunications and banking. Due to the increase in the gross domestic product to $ 715 per capita poverty decreased from 38 to 25 percent. In 2006 the value of the shares on the Vietnamese stock market doubled and in the first quarter of 2007, after the accession to the WTO, prices rose again by 43 percent. The value of the Ho Chi Minh Stock Index peaked at 1,170 points. Many investors bought stocks with borrowed money.
Greater religious freedom strengthens pastoral dynamics
The increase in wealth generated more freedom. The citizens are allowed to move freely, traveling overseas is permitted and there is a middle class. In the media, the stories of corruption and violations of the law are no longer taboo. On January 25, 2007, Pope Benedict XVI received in Rome Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung in audience. He was the first Vietnamese government leader since 1975 to visit the Vatican. Later a return visit followed led by top diplomat Monsignor Pietro Parolin. But the involvement of the Government in the nominations still prevented diplomatic relations.
The greater religious freedom strengthens the pastoral dynamics. Buddhist monasteries treat drug addicts and the Catholics resume their activities in hospitals, orphanages and institutions for the disabled and HIV patients. The six Catholic seminaries count 1580 candidate priests and the restrictions on the pilgrimage to La Vang, the Buddhist Hung King temple festival and commemoration of the foundation day of the Hoa Hao are lifted. Yet the religious persecution is not a thing of the past. For example Mayor Dinh Minh Uy in the Dong Ding ordered the destruction of an image of Our Lady. The Religious Publishing Company, a division of the Office for Religious Affairs, prints 250,000 copies of a portion of the sacred writings of the Hoa Hao. But the poetry of founder Huynh Phu So is still banned.
Although in January 2007, nine months into the launch, 2189 Vietnamese have signed the Democratic manifesto, Bloc 8406 became no mass movement that threatened the regime. "Boycott the elections or who has no other choice than to vote, wear a white shirt and tear up your voter’s card or leave it blank," was the voting recommendation of Nguyen Van Ly, Tran Anh Kim and Do Nam Hai. But the latter was arrested on January 30, 2007. The government hoped to undermine the leadership of the underground Unified Buddhist Church through the return of founder Thich Nhat Hang. But the man spoke plain language: "Separate religion from politics, stop the control of religious activities and disband the Office for Religious Affairs. Like the cultural, commercial, industrial and social organizations, religious associations must be allowed to operate freely. "After his support to the Dalai Lama and the condemnation of the persecution in Tibet, which provoked protests in China, Thich Nhat Hang and his followers were expelled by force from Bat Nha monastery in Bao Loc.
Lac Hong Coalition
At midnight on 17 February 2007, at the beginning of the Tet festival, co-advised by Nguyen Van Ly, the Lac Hong Coalition was launched. This coalition of the Vietnamese Progress Party, the VNPP, and the Vietnamese Populist Party, the VPP, wanted to "put an end to the totalitarian regime and develop the nation based on virtue, democracy, freedom, happiness and the compliance of the law." The Coalition wanted to compete with the communist party in the taking over of the leadership of the country.
But the government had had enough. On February 18, the State Security raided the homes of the leaders of the movement, also the Archbishop's palace in Hue. In the room where Van Ly was finalizing a new number of Tu do Ngôn luan - Acquittal, six computers, six laser printers, six mobile phones, 120 SIM cards, two hundred books and six boxes of documents were seized. The Church ordered him to move to the remote village of Ben Cui in Phong Xuan at twenty kilometers from Hue. In protest against the smear campaign in the newspapers, radio, television and the government sites on the web, Van Ly went in hunger strike from 24 February to 5 March. In his new Manifesto for freedom and political cooperation he challenged the Government to work on the rights of freedom of expression and association. Although in Ben Cui he no longer had contact with the outside world and was under permanent supervision, a friend smuggled in a phone. But even after the house arrest of Stephen Chan Tin and Peter Phan Van Loi the underground magazine Acquittal continued to appear.
Leaders of Bloc 8406 arrested
On March 6, 2007 followed the arrest of three key members of Bloc 8406: Nguyen Van Ly, Nguyen Van Dai and Le Thi Cong Nhan. The 38-year-old lawyer and Protestant Van Dai is the founder of the Committee for Human Rights in Vietnam and in February 2006 he hosted the first public debate on human rights in Vietnam. He received the Hellman/Hammett prize for persecuted writers of Human Rights Watch. Van Dai was not allowed to take his Bible and his medicine to prison. Also the 28-year old Baha'i and lawyer Le Thi Cong Nhan ended up behind bars. She works at the office of Van Dai, and is the spokesperson of the Vietnamese Progress Party, the VNPP, and member of Advocates International, a global association of Christian human rights lawyers.
According to a government announcement documents found in the possession of Van Dai and Cong Nhan showed that they had received instructions and funding from overseas to organize courses on human rights and democracy. Furthermore, they would have paid people to sign their petitions. "By locking up the key figures of Bloc 8406 the government silences every criticism," declared Sophie Richardson of Human Rights Watch. "The message to the other activists is clear: do not speak freely or you undergo the same fate." The three detainees were accused of violating Article 88 of the Criminal Code: propaganda against the state. In July 2002, the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations had already called this vague provision as being inconsistent with international human rights. On his return from the United States where he had studied the role of civil society in the emergence of democracies Le Quoc Quan ended up behind bars. He was accused of wanting to overthrow the government.
Foreign criticism falls on deaf ears
Without the assistance of a lawyer Nguyen Van Ly, Nguyen Van Dai and Le Thi Cong Nhan were interrogated day and night. The U.S. House of Representatives called for their immediate and unconditional release. A motion of the European parliament denounced the political and religious persecution. But all of that fell on deaf ears. For example, the Vatican envoy who raised the Van Ly case with the Vietnamese authorities received no answer.
The newspaper An Ninh The Gioi - World Security of the Ministry of State Security characterized in two articles of four pages Nguyen Van Dai and Le Thi Cong Nhan as mediocre people. Van Dai was only admitted to the university through the intercession of his father, a member of the Communist Party. He received money from counterrevolutionary exiles and would have stolen $ 80,000 of the Vietnamese Evangelical Church. The latter promptly denied that accusation, but based on that suspicion Van Dai was banned from the Church council.
In April 2007, a resolution of the U.S. House of Representatives again demanded respect for human rights and the release of prisoners of conscience. On April 6 Michael Marine, the U.S. ambassador in Hanoi, invited four wives of dissidents in his official residence for a meeting with Congresswoman Loretta Sanchez. Among them were the wife of Van Dai and the mother of Le Thi Cong Nhan. But no one showed up. Two of them were not allowed to leave their homes, while the police prevented the other from entering the embassy. "You needed fifteen people to grab two women," fulminated the ambassador.
Eight years imprisonment
As of March 15, 2007, Van Ly again went on hunger strike until on 29 March thirty policemen arrested him in Ben Cui and transferred him to Thua Phu prison in Hue. They seized all books and documents that the State Security had not yet taken during the raid on the Archbishop's palace. In Thua Phu his cassock, rosary and glasses were taken away from him. Despite the announcement otherwise, the court case that took place on 30 March before the provincial People's Court in Thua Thien was again no public hearing. Relatives, friends, a lawyer and a representative of the Archdiocese were denied access to the courtroom. Van Ly was only allowed to answer the questions of Judge Bui Quoc Hiep with yes or no. The prosecution witnesses testified that he had said that "he produces day and night writings against the government" and that his bedroom is the headquarters of the parties that oppose the government. Four and a half hours later in a separate room from the courtroom twelve diplomats and journalists watched via closed circuit television the announcement of the verdict. When Van Ly shouted: "Down with communism" a security officer silenced him. The Vietnamese word bich mien or censorship means literally covering the mouth. Then the officer shoved him roughly along to an adjoining room where he listened to the reading of the verdict through a speaker. He was sentenced to eight years in prison and five years of house arrest. Back in the courtroom Van Ly shouted "the Communists use the law of the jungle", and he was led away. The report of the Vietnamese television about the court case went around the world. In the same court case, four leaders of the Vietnamese Progress Party, the VNPP were sentenced. Co-founder Nguyen Phong who got six years in jail, wrote to the international community: "I am determined to continue to fight for freedom, democracy and human rights after that unjust verdict." And Nguyen Binh Thanh, also a contributor to the magazine Tu do Ngon luan - Acquittal, ended up behind bars for five years. This court case was the death blow to the VNPP.
Worldwide outrage
Amnesty International called the "politically motivated sentences against Van Ly and his co-fighters a shameless attempt to silence him and as a deterrent for other critics." U.S. Congressman Christopher Smith called on the President to intervene: "Only now does the world see the true face of the Vietnamese government. With impunity it accumulates human rights violations. The mock trial against Van Ly proves once again that the regime in Hanoi is not willing to carry out the promised reforms on human rights. However, this is the first condition to normalize trade relations. The latest government action even points to a worsening of the situation. You cannot compromise on this point. It is our duty to continue to speak in favor of Van Ly and other persecuted dissidents. "Democratic Senators John Kerry and Edward Kennedy supported that statement. Condoleezza Rice, the foreign minister, called the sentence "a negative development", but did not address the question of Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren to put Vietnam again on the list of Countries of Special Interest.
In Australia Nguyen Hoang An, the brother of Van Ly, testified in the weekly magazine The Record of the Archdiocese of Perth: "For him, his stay in prison is an opportunity for converting and baptizing people." On 30 April 2007, 32 years after the fall of Saigon, The Australian Newspaper published an advertisement about the case. Vini Ciccarello who was wearing a t-shirt with the photo that shows how Van Ly was literally being silenced, demanded in parliament his release. On May 10, the former Czech President Vaclav Havel followed that example: "We ask the members of the World Trade Organization to protect and promote human rights. When the leaders of Vietnam do not comply with these obligations, they may not enjoy the benefits. " Bernard Favre, the Secretary-General of the Swiss Parti Radical Genevois, intervened with Pascal Lamy, the Director-General of the World Trade Organization.
New wave of convictions
This global outrage had however the opposite effect. At the first anniversary of Bloc 8406 on April 8, 2007 Human Rights Watch was of the opinion that the organization was under heavy pressure. Five leaders were behind bars while other members were constantly bullied. But that also applied to the independent trade unions, ethnic minorities, the Mennonites and members of the Unified Buddhist Church. After having been awarded the Hellman-Hammett Grant by Human Rights Watch, writer Tran Khai Thanh Thuy ended up behind bars "due to sending the wrong picture of the social, political and economic situation to overseas reactionary associations." Between November 2006 and April 2007 Amnesty International recorded the arrest of 22 political opponents, one of the largest numbers of past decades. The cyber-dissidents were not included in that figure. Incidentally, nobody knows the number of prisoners, prisoners of conscience or persons under house arrest or detained without trial.
A massive repression apparatus keeps the small group of opponents under the knout. The Ministry of State Security under General Le Hong Anh counts1.2 million employees. And in rural areas the Security Forces of the People's Army and the Directorate General II, the military intelligence, play an important role. Finally the Ministry of Culture and Information watches over the media and follows thousands of "subversive" web sites on the internet.
In the grinding of the fragmented political opposition, the Vietnamese Populist Party, the VPP, was tackled first in 2007. Priest Hong Trung, journalist Truong Minh Duc and student Dang Hung were imprisoned. And on 10 May 2007, followed the sentencing of three leaders of the Democratic Party. DPV party leader Le Nguyen Sang got five years, the heaviest punishment. After more than a year in remand Nguyen Van Dai and Le Thi Cong Nhan of Bloc 8406 were sentenced. They got respectively five and four years in prison. "These are once again political verdicts" shouted Amnesty International. Lawyer Tran Quoc Hien, a co-signatory of the manifesto of Bloc 8406, was sentenced to five years in prison because he had posted critical articles that "undermine state security" on the internet.
The lukewarm reaction of President Bush
On May 12, 2007, U.S. President George W. Bush intervened in the debate for the first time. He deplored the arrest and conviction of political activists. "Such repression is an anachronism and is at odds with the desire of Vietnam to enjoy prosperity, to modernize the country and play a more prominent role in the world." On May 20, the much discussed parliamentary elections took place. 91 percent of the 493 elected representatives were members of the Communist Party. "To hide the fact that the country is a one party state, the Communists now also reserve a number of seats for non-party members," said Brad Adams of Human Rights Watch. "However the government is certain that these technocrats will not utter any criticism."
On May 29, President Bush received a delegation of Vietnamese opponents at the White House in Washington DC, led by Do Hoang Diem of the Reform Party VRP and during his visit to Prague Bush expressed his support for Nguyen Van Ly. On 22 June 2007, the President received his Vietnamese counterpart, Nguyen Minh Triet, at the White House. While there were protest marches in Washington, New York and Los Angeles, Nguyen Minh Triet was asked some sharp questions on CNN. "Van Ly was brought to trial because he violated the law," said the president. "That has nothing to do with religion." When he was shown the image where Van Ly was being muzzled, Triet replied: "Yes, I know that picture. During his trial, Van Ly became violent and he spoke bad words. That is why this happened. Silencing someone in this way is not good. I would like to take measures to put an end to that. The officer has made a mistake. It is not the policy of the government to do such things. "Asked to release political prisoners Triet replied:" They are in custody for violating the law. The release depends on their attitude and perception of what they have done wrong. "
Crisis and devaluation of the dong
Although emerging Asian countries in the second half of 2007 remained relatively immune to the financial crisis in the United States, they were hit twice as hard from the first quarter of 2008. In Vietnam the stock market lost in three months forty percent of its value. But economically the country benefited from decline in China due to the higher value of the Chinese currency, the Yuan, and the average wage increases of fifteen percent per year. The German sporting goods company Adidas moved part of its production to Vietnam. Yet even here there was social unrest. The government increased the minimum wage by thirteen percent while inflation rose to nineteen percent. In 2008, 650 strikes took place, an increase of twenty percent. And in the textile sector, cheap T-shirts and clothing were a thing of the past. The price of rice doubled, but also wages and production costs went up.
Because of adequate government intervention the tide turned faster than expected in the Asian emerging countries. Already in 2009, the growth rates were again eight percent and more. Because of the low wages Vietnam remained interesting for the mass production of cheap goods such as clothing, textiles, shoes and electronics. But the still inadequate infrastructure, the low quality of the goods and the uncertain government course weighed on the economy. After an initial devaluation of the dong in January 2009 with twelve percent the currency decreased again in value against the U.S. dollar by 5.2 percent on November 26. And due to the rising trade deficit the basic interest rate increased to eight percent. In 2010, the Ho Chi Min Stock Index decreased again with fourteen percent to 450 points. And this negative trend persisted in 2011. The increase in energy prices led to a new devaluation of the dong by 3.25 percent. The inflation that amounted to two percent in 2009, peaked in June 2011 to seventeen percent. When Vietnam in the first half of 2012 had exported more coffee than Brazil is became the world's largest coffee country.
Solitary confinement in Nam Ha
TO COMPLETE
On October 10, 2007, one and a half years after his arrest in March 2006, Van Ly was visited in Ha Nam for the first time by his sister, Nguyen Thi Hieu and his nephew Minh. "I’m not even allowed to use pen and paper," sighed Van Ly. "I can only read the magazine Law that you sent me. I'm still locked up in solitary. Recently, the floor was tiled in order to show off to visiting foreign delegations, but until now this has not happened. Don’t get the wrong idea that I am guilty because I am wearing the black and white striped prison uniform, "he continued.”Today I had no choice. Otherwise, the prison chief would have refused your visit. "Van Ly criticized President Nguyen Minh Triet on his statements during his visit to the United States:" I remain in prison until the authorities recognize that Vietnam has political prisoners and prisoners of conscience. "He suffered heavily under the prohibition of reading the Bible that his sister had sent him and he did not get the sacramental wine and wafers that two colleagues had sent either. About the visit of his colleague Ho Quy, with whom in 1977 he had been convicted for the first time, he said: "The authorities mistakenly believed that he was a councilor, because they treated him respectfully."
Van Ly asked his sister to address her letters to "Mr. Nguyen Van Ly" and not to "Reverend Nguyen Van Ly". The Vietnamese post office did not accept letters with the word priest. "They are not sent because officially there are no church people in prison," he explained. However, he received some gifts, but it is not sure whether he could keep them. Van Ly signed the receipt with "Reverend Nguyen Van Ly, a prisoner of conscience."
Criticism systematically curtailed
The underground magazine Tu do Ngôn luan - Freedom of speech continued to appear. And although Bloc 8406 had received heavy blows, the movement remained active. They wrote letters of thanks to the Vietnamese Committees in Australia who had organized protest marches following the APEC Summit in August 2007 and the Polish section of Amnesty International that had placed Nguyen Van Ly on the list of the four international prisoners that must be urgently released. In an open letter to all governments, parliaments and international organizations September 2, Independence Day, was proclaimed Day of the disaster. Many dissidents, journalists and intellectuals were prevented on 16 February 2008 in Hanoi to attend the funeral of Professor Hoang Minh Chinh, a founding member of Bloc 8406 and the leader of the Democratic Party, the DPV. And on February 12, 2009 Bloc 8406 launched its Nine Points Programme on the current situation in Vietnam.
On 4 March 2008, lawyer Bui Kim Thanh was interned in Bien Hoa and one month later followed the arrest of Internet blogger Nguyen Van Hai, the founder of the Independent Press Club and of the critical websites People Press and The pipe of the farmer. When he repented, he was released two years later. Journalist Nguyen Viet Chien got two years in prison for reporting on the betting scandal for which the Minister of Transport, Nguyen Viet Tien, had gone unpunished. And in October 2008, nine political dissidents were convicted, amongst them The Six of Haiphong, who had ties with Bloc 8406. Their leader, writer Nguyen Xuan Nghia, the author of 57 critical articles that are posted on the internet, got the most severe punishment. And in June 2009 Le Cong Dinh, a lawyer for many dissidents found himself behind bars.
9. People's Church takes the helm (2008-2012)
Church Thai Hoa in Hanoi is turning point
In the first decade of the third millennium Vietnam experienced a religious revival. The number of Catholics increased in the period 2003-2008 with 14.39 percent. The Salesians are the most popular of all the congregations with 430 postulants. And in the region of Ba Ria a new diocese was established. While Nguyen Van Ly and other Catholic dissidents languished behind bars, a people’s Church spontaneously and unexpectedly took over their leadership role. This people’s Church seemingly from nothing turned into a new civil society. The center of gravity lies in the north of the country where after more than half a century of harsh religious persecution most churches were closed and the priests eliminated. The faithful who, like the first Christians, emerged as it were from the catacombs, are not very theologically trained, but find their strength in a deep-rooted religious practice. They acted like Van Ly has always done, straight forward. They stand up for their rights and are willing to die for their faith.
Also other religions become more radicalized. The Evangelical Church demands the restitution of 265 buildings and sites that were seized in 1975. Within the Catholic community a peaceful, but consistent battle is being fought for the return of confiscated goods. In December 2007, in the capital Hanoi thousands of Catholics marched to the Thai Hoa church in the former Apostolic Nunciature. The prayer vigil for the return of the land that the government had confiscated in 1959 became the first Catholic mass demonstration since 1975. From 18 December, every evening a prayer vigil took place and on Christmas Eve more than five thousand believers gathered there. They were armed with flowers, candles and rosaries. On 24 January 2008, they erected a cross in the garden. Because of the continuing protests the government promised in February to return the building to the Catholic community. But a few months later it reneged on that decision and wanted to establish a park on the land. On August 15, during new demonstrations eight arrests were made and during the demolition of the church on September 19, 2008 praying believers were arrested and foreign journalists chased away. Archbishop Joseph Ngo Quang Kiet who led the illegal prayer vigil, could not visit the detainees and their relatives because of the movement restriction imposed on him. "That's the hardest action against Catholics in decades," said Elaine Pearson of Human Rights Watch.
Thai Ha Monastery Complex becomes the second symbolic case
At the same time the seven-storey Redemptorist monastery and the adjacent church of Thai Ha in Hanoi grew into a second symbolic case. Since January 6, 2008, the feast of Epiphany, the Catholics advocated for the return of that domain on which government buildings and a factory were built. From August each day believers and bishops attended prayer vigils out of solidarity. They came from the whole country to the capital. On August 15, an image of Our Lady was placed inside the fence and on August 28 a police raid disrupted a prayer vigil. Many believers were beaten with electric batons and four of them ended up behind bars. At the headquarters of the Dong Da district one hundred demonstrators demanded their release. On Sunday, August 31, 2008 teargas was used against the three thousand believers who attended worship on the site. Everybody who was present was filmed and photographed and police hunted down reporters who posted daily reports and pictures about the events on the Internet.
When Archbishop Joseph Ngo Quang Kiet and Bishop Peter Nguyen Van De of Bui Chu on September 12, 2008 led a prayer vigil, the superior of the monastery and other priests were summoned. Eight people ended up in Hoa Lo prison known as Hanoi Hilton "for destroying state property and incitement to rioting". In 2009 the expropriation of land was carried out and the detainees were convicted.
Also in other places, religious unrest increased. In Ho Chi Minh City from 17 March 2008 every day hundreds of nuns marched in protest against the confiscation of a convent of the Vinh Son Congregation that had to give way to a hotel. And the construction of a four star hotel on the site of a former orphanage of the Sisters of Saint Paul de Chartres in the southern city of Vinh Long also led to public protest.
Fertile humus layer
In addition to the political, social, economic and cultural control the Communists have always tried to control people’s minds. That is without doubt the most brutal side of their ideology. From kindergarten on, everyone is indoctrinated with the ideas of Marxism-Leninism and the opinions of the historic leader Ho Chi Minh. And anyone who after years of indoctrination at school and in all walks of life does not toe the line is brainwashed in reeducation camps. Lasting interpersonal relationships and family values receive little attention because this system wants each man naked before its authority. Only then can they have full control over them. By disabling the personal opinion and conscience the Communists want that everyone blindly follows their thinking. Yet this essentially perfidious system never succeeded in destroying the soul of the people. They are not machines that can be programmed. And although the communist ideology since the introduction of the doi moi or a capitalist economy, which is completely at odds with it, has lost all relevance since 1986, it is still standing firm. Communism is still a compulsory subject in schools, although many teachers do not want to give these lessons and the students do not want them either. The humanitarian damage of 57 years indoctrination in the north and 37 in the south of Vietnam is greatest in the areas of spirituality, conscience and relationship formation.
The regime still implements the doctrine of cao bang. Bulldozers flatten everything and everyone that is not in conformity with the communist ideology. Yet the incessant action, letters, calls and manifestos of the dissidents led to the symbolic production of new humus in which the still present, but slowly wasting humus layer from the pre-communist era has remained fertile. The relentless peaceful struggle in often appalling conditions of amongst others Nguyen Van Ly forms the breeding ground from which a people's church emerges. According to the Biblical imagery the mustard seed, the smallest seed in the world, which the dissidents have sown for nearly four decades produce trees that increasingly bear fruit (Matthew 17,20). This makes the unthinkable now a reality. The mercilessly oppressed churches suddenly appear militant and alive. This trend is strongest in the north of Vietnam where religious persecution is the longest and has raged in the most intense way.
Government Plans crossed
This development, however, undermines the dual policy of the government in Hanoi. On the one hand it tries to follow the Chinese example of establishing a state church separate from Rome, which in November 2008 again failed. And on the other hand the Working Group Vatican-Vietnam (established in June 2008) tries to improve relations. The participation of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the annual meeting with a delegation from the Vatican in Hanoi on 17 and 18 February 2009 indicates a progress. But besides the thorny issue of appointments, the restitution of church property can increasingly jeopardize a breakthrough. Nguyen Thanh Xuan, the substitute Minister for Religious Affairs, declared on 21 May 2009 that is not the intention to give back the possessions of the Roman Catholic Church or other religious organizations. The Cao Dai and Hoa Hao have not been given back any property and Buddhists got back five to ten percent of their patrimony.
In March 2009, once again mass protest occurred when the church of the Degar-Montagnard Christians was demolished in the city of Buon Ale'A in the city of Buonmathuot. And the faithful marched on the streets in large numbers when in June 2009 in Thu Thiem, a suburb of Ho Chi Minh City, the nuns were expelled from their 170 years old monastery. In that place the government plans to build a hotel and tourist infrastructure. At the same time, in Banam, protests took place against the demolition of the convent of the Congregation of the Brothers of the Holy Family.
Van Ly suffers first stroke
On July 5, 2008, the Buddhist leader Thich Huyen Quang died at age 88. For his peaceful opposition to the regime he had spent almost half of his life in prison or under house arrest. On 27 February 2009, the American association Freedom Now that globally acts as Nguyen Van Ly’s lawyer, submitted a file to the Working Group Randomly Detained Persons of the United Nations since his arrest, detention and judgment would be contrary to international law. However his condition had worsened. Excessive blood pressure caused temporary paralysis from November 2008 on, but the prison authorities refused any treatment. On May 25, 2009, Van Ly suffered a first stroke in his solitary confinement. The camp doctor only gave him some medicine to stop the bleeding from the head wound caused by his fall.
Due to the constant violations of human rights and the suppression of political and religious freedom there is a growing demand in the U.S. Congress to again grant Vietnam, as in 2004-2006, the status of Country of Special Interest. At the hearing on 23 June 2009, Christopher Smith for the third time submitted a bill. He wanted all U.S. non-humanitarian assistance to Vietnam to stop until the political and religious prisoners would have been released, religious freedom is restored and the confiscated church properties are returned. According to Michael Cromartie, vice-chairman of the independent Commission on Religious Freedom of the United States who had visited Vietnam in May 2009 the situation had not improved in comparison to his previous visit in 2007. "The head of the prison where Van Ly resides designates the priest as a political prisoner. In this way, the United States would not evaluate his imprisonment as severe since this would be regarded as a violation of human rights instead of refusal of religious freedom. "Cromartie reported that after the demonstrations of 2001 and 2004 in the central highlands 350 Montagnards were still locked up. And Nguyen Cong Chinh, the leader of the Mennonites, had already been interrogated more than three hundred times and beaten twenty times. Cromartie also had obtained a manual for local leaders. This booklet teaches them how to control religious activities and how to convince converts to renounce their faith. On July 2, 2009, 37 U.S. Congressmen of the Democratic and the Republican Party demanded the immediate and unconditional release of Van Ly.
Combative after second stroke
Three days after the visit of his sister, Nguyen Thi Hieu, Van Ly suffered a second stroke on 12 July 2009. He fell on his right hand and right leg and could no longer move these. The camp doctor gave him medication, but because Van Ly worried, he asked on July 14 for a visit of his sister.
His letter was difficult to read because his hand was still partially paralyzed. And because he did not get a reply, he wrote a second letter on 3 August. "This letter is more readable, but the control of the movements of my hand cost me a lot of energy," he said later. "My health was better that day." Nguyen Thi Hieu who had not received the first letter, received the second letter on 22 August. However Father Nguyen Huu Giai had informed her of the second stroke based on information gathered in Hanoi.
During the visit of Nguyen Thi Hieu on 24 August Van Ly needed help to walk and his arm and his right foot were still slightly paralyzed. He asked for a monthly visit: "If it not possible for you to come, can a cousin take your place?" He insisted that the Archbishop is notified of his state of health "because he is responsible for me . "Van Ly said that the board initially refused to share the food and medicines that his family sends him with needy prisoners. "But as a priest, I cannot leave them to their fate. When I protested I announced that I would refuse anything that my family has sent to me, and the authorities finally yielded. I hope that in the future you can bring more food to help those who do not receive visits. "Then Van Ly spoke to his bodyguard, Lieutenant-Colonel Nam:" It was a big mistake to murder Archbishop Dien. And the man you want to kill is Nguyen Van Ly. I am like an AIDS victim who has no hope of recovery. You require every three months a self-assessment in the hope that my beliefs will change. What must be confessed so that I change? When anyone must confess, it is you guys. Look at all the mistakes and horrifying acts that you are presently committing. "Van Ly spoke about the repression after the demolition of the former Papal Nunciature Thai Hoa in Hanoi and Tam Toa Cathedral in Dong Hoi, and the dispute around the building Tay Nguyen of the former Catholic university in Dalat which had become a museum for Biology. "When I leave this place, I will denounce your crimes."
After a two hour visit Nguyen Thi Hieu gave colonel Nam a piece of paper with some phone numbers and warned: "Inform me and the Archbishop immediately when the health of my brother deteriorates. For when he dies in prison, you're responsible" Three days later Nguyen Thi Hieu and a cousin went to the archdiocese. In the absence of Archbishop Nguyen Nhu The they asked his assistant, Le Van Hong, to intervene with the government so that Van Ly would no longer be held in solitary confinement.
Harsh crackdown in Dong Hoi and Vinh
But at that moment the Catholic community was again in turmoil. The government wanted to demolish the tower of the former Tam Toa cathedral in Dong Hoi, the capital of the northern province of Quang Binh. The rest of the building was destroyed by American bombing in 1968. But the hundreds of faithful who on 20 July 2009 erected a cross and an altar in that place, were unexpectedly attacked with tear gas and batons. Eleven people disappeared behind bars. The press agency Asia News reported that on July 26 in Vinh, the capital of the diocese that includes Tam Toa, half a million believers were marching and praying in the streets in protest against the violence. They demanded the release of imprisoned believers. During the largest religious protest demonstration in the history of Vietnam the police beat two priests into a coma.
On Sunday, August 8, 2009, raids were conducted against illegal Protestant house churches in Hanoi and in the provinces of Dak Lak and Gia Lai. In the central highlands people remained restless and violent incidents with the Montagnards regularly occurred. When on August 15 again 200,000 believers in Vinh organized a protest march police once more harshly cracked down on them. The priests Peter The Binh and Paul Nguyen Dinh Phu were severely beaten. When the latter was thrown out of a first floor window in the hospital he went into a coma. This news caused a new wave of protests. Initially the government denied any involvement, until a video on YouTube proved the opposite.
Early September on the occasion of Independence Day 5459 prisoners received amnesty, among whom eleven Montagnards. The name Van Ly was not on the list because according to Le The Tiem, Vice-Minister of State Security, "he does not repent and his rehabilitation process is not progressing. Furthermore, he has committed new offenses after his previously granted amnesty. "
Hospitalization after third stroke
Writer Tran Khai Thanh Thuy, former editor of the underground magazine To Quoc - Fatherland, ended up in jail after her public support for six dissidents who had to appear in court. Although she is diabetic and suffers from tuberculosis, she was denied any medical help. In the province of Lam Dong a gang commissioned by the government mistreated four hundred Buddhist monks and expelled them from their monastery of Bat Nha.
On 14 November 2009 Van Ly suffered his third stroke. The guards spotted him unconscious in his cell. He was transferred to Prison Hospital 198 in Hanoi, where five policemen guarded him permanently. Two arteries in his neck were blocked and due to a tumor of 2.5 cm in the left part of his brain the right side of his body was paralyzed. Van Ly regained consciousness and his body responded to the treatment. "He can lift his right arm and right leg twenty centimeters, indicating that his condition improves," his cousin Hieu said on Radio Free Asia. Only family members were allowed to visit him. Religious associations and human rights organizations, including The Voice of the Martyrs and PEN, called for his immediate release because of humanitarian and health reasons and asked their members to write letters to the Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung.
Van Ly who was nominated for the Sakharov Prize of the European Parliament promised during the visit of his nephew Nguyen Cong Hoang: "When they bring me back to jail, I’ll refuse to wear prison clothes. If you do not see me next month, you know why. "Although Van Ly was still partially paralyzed, on 11 December 2009 an ambulance took him back to camp Nam Ha in Ba Sao. Amnesty International was surprised and upset because President Nguyen Minh Triet would meet Pope Benedict XVI that same day in Rome. "The Vatican should use this opportunity to insist on the immediate release of Van Ly." However, as a sign of goodwill to the Christians for the first time since 1975 it was allowed to publicly celebrate Christmas. During daytime Van Ly shared his cell with some fellow prisoners and he told the medical staff that he would donate his organs upon his death.
Advance of the Internet and Facebook restrained
In July 2008 the government restricted the use of Twitter and YouTube. And Reporters Without Borders reported on 7 July 2009 the arrest of pro-democracy blogger Nguyen Tien Trung, a leader of the Association of Young Vietnamese for Democracy. According to the organization eleven journalists and bloggers were behind bars. The growing influence of the Internet caused concerns to the government. The number of Internet users increased exponentially to 27 million in 2011. On the social networking site Facebook that figure increased by a power of twenty in 2009 from 50,000 to one million. And in 2012, there were already two million. On the forums of websites like www.viettan.org of the Vietnam Reform Party corruption, social injustice, the environmental pollution caused by bauxite mining, the growing influence of China and current political topics are openly discussed. The bloggers discuss all hot issues not covered by the traditional media. Thanks to these forums a virtual civil society of pro-democracy activists emerges.
With the help of professionals the government tightened its control of the Internet. In January 2009 Circular No. 7 introduced new rules for the use of blogs. They may only contain personal information and it is no longer permitted to spread in this way press articles, literary works or prohibited publications. Hosting Companies should regularly report on the activities of their users and additional filters prevent access to sites that are critical for the regime. The territorial dispute between Vietnam and China regarding the China Sea remains a taboo subject. In January 2010, hackers commissioned by the government attacked the dissident sites www.blogosin.org and www.bauxitevietnam.info and bombarded the Google search engine with viruses. In application of Decision 15 from April 2010, software programs block access to certain sites in the four thousand cyber cafes in Hanoi and the activities of the users are registered. From the end of 2010 all cyber cafes within a radius of two hundred meters around the schools closed their doors and the opening hours of all others were limited. This is done according to an official statement "to protect the safety and health of the users."
Peaceful fight against the regime
Meanwhile from October 2009 to March 2010 Amnesty International registered the arrest of sixteen pro-democracy activists. On 20 January 2010 a People's Court in Ho Chi Minh City sentenced four leading figures of the Democratic Party for "the conspiracy that they have plotted against the government." After the first series of convictions in 2007 the DVP was again dealt a heavy blow. "How can the opponents overthrow the government?" reacted Van Ly. "They only want to transform the dictatorial party regime in a multi-party state so that the country can chart out a progressive course and more people can enjoy freedom and happiness. I also would like to draw your attention to the mistakes and crimes of the Government in order to wake up the conscience of the people and I want to initiate changes through this confrontation with the truth. Many officials of this prison agree in conscience, but they do not dare to speak up. "Van Ly called Ho Chi Minh the main culprit of all the difficulties:" We must reveal the true face of this unfair and cruel man. Many party members know the truth about Ho Chi Minh, but must remain silent out of self-preservation. "After the Internet activists Tran Huynh Duy Thuc en Le Thang Long rescinded their confessions that were obtained under duress and refused to confess guilt, they were sentenced to respectively sixteen and five years in prison. "The United States and the European Union are also responsible," said Brad Adams of Human Rights Watch. "They greedily benefit from the economic growth, but look away when human rights are violated."
On 18 January 2010, Nguyen Van Ly went on a hunger strike in order to unite in prayer with the parishioners of Dong Chiem. When the government had removed a cross on land that had been seized by the government, they had erected a new cross over there on January 6, 2010, the feast of the Epiphany.
The demonstrators wore white clothes and from Hanoi Redemptorist Peter Nguyen Van Khai organized pilgrimages to Dong Chiem.
In the hospital of the city of Phu Ly Van Ly got a medical check-up, and X-rays and a CT scan were done, but despite the earlier diagnosis of atherosclerosis his carotid arteries were not checked. On 1 February 2010, when his sister and his nephews Minh en Nguyen Cong Hoang visited him he wore a gray shirt and not the blue striped prison clothes. Thus he remained faithful to the promise he had made two months earlier. Under the eye of Lieutenant-Colonel Nam and a young policeman Van Ly burst into tears when greeting them. His right arm was still paralyzed. He took the medication that his family sent him, but refused already for ten days the visit of the prison doctor. Van Ly thought about an indefinite hunger strike. This way he wanted to increase the pressure on the government in Hanoi to exact his hospitalization. He asked his family to send food and medicine every month and to visit him every six weeks.
Temporary stay in nursing home of the Archdiocese of Hue
In February 2010, the Van Ly case was put on the agenda of the seventh Australian-Vietnam human rights dialogue. And after the release of the lawyer Le Thi Cong Nhan of Bloc 8406, on 15 March 2010 the People's Court of Thua Thien moved Nguyen Van Ly for humanitarian reasons to the retirement home for priests of the Archdiocese of Hue for twelve months. He left at four o'clock in the morning by ambulance from Hanoi for a trip that lasted an entire day. "I am not satisfied with the temporary suspension," he said on his arrival. "Because that suggests that I would agree with my conviction. I don’t even accept a permanent suspension. My conviction is contrary to all international conventions. "About his health he said:" It's better, but I have not had surgery on my brain because doctors fear causing more damage. In prison, I read the newspapers and watch all the news on TV. But what is really happening in Vietnam and the world I do not know. " In Hue, Van Ly was under administrative supervision, which meant that he was permanently monitored.
He met Virginia Palmer, the Deputy Ambassador of the United States, and Canadian Ambassador Deanna Horton. "The release of Van Ly should be unconditional and permanent and he must also have access to necessary medical care," said Brittis Edman of Amnesty International. "This little concession happened against the backdrop of a deteriorating human rights situation. From September 2009 to March 2010, at least sixteen dissidents were sentenced and many dozens of others were still imprisoned for their criticism of the government. "In May 2010 police violently cracked down on a burial procession in the parish Con Dau to a cemetery on a disputed piece of land . Dozens of people were arrested and interrogated. One person died and two women had a miscarriage as a result of the blows they had received.
Although Van Ly suffered a fourth stroke in the retirement home of the archdiocese, he published a new set of documents. The best known are the petition Witness No. 4 and the articles 12 lies at the state level and 16 major disappointments. In the document Ho Chi Minh as super deceiver he exposes the communist leader.
Internal unrest grows
In the run-up to the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of 2011 nineteen army and party veterans signed a call for "real democracy, sincere criticism and self-criticism with a real debate that exposes our mistakes and shortcomings." They demanded the degradation of Nong Duc Manh, Secretary General of the Communist Party, Speaker of Parliament Nguyen Phu Trong, Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung and To Huy Rua, head of the Central Committee for Propaganda and Education. Furthermore, a second petition circulated in which 38 party veterans demanded the degradation of Nguyen Chi Vinh, head of GD2, the General Department No. 2 or the military secret service. These unprecedented calls embarrassed the regime because the veterans could not be punished because of their merits.
The reaction did not take long in coming. Decree 45 outlawed all political parties, trade unions and human rights organizations not affiliated with the Communist Party or the government. Nevertheless discontent was growing in large sections of the population. The 21-year-old Nguyen Van Khuong was beaten to death by the police of the district Tan Yen because he was driving his scooter without a helmet. Only after demonstrations the guilty policemen were arrested. And the scandal of the Vinashin shipyard, a state company that because of mismanagement built a mountain of debt of $ 4.4 billion, was covered up after the intervention of Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung. On 23 August 2012, the 48-year-old Nguyen Duc Kien, the co-founder of the ACB bank and one of the richest businessmen in the country was arrested on charges of fraud. Based on the market capitalisation his family is the fifth richest in the country. Because of the close ties of Duc Kien with the communist regime his arrest showed a growing tension between the political and economic elite of the country.
“Communism will naturally perish"
General Le The Tiem, Vice Minister of the Vietnamese Ministry of Police, confirmed on 28 August 2010 that the name of Nguyen Van Ly was not on the list of the 30,000 prisoners who had received amnesty on the occasion of the 65th anniversary of independence. "He gets no remission" he said to the news agency AFP. Especially his recent publications were a thorn in the eye of the regime. Incidentally, no prisoner of conscience was on the list. Since 2007 not one of them had received amnesty.
During a visit of the President and Vice President of the prison, representatives of the judiciary and the Communist Youth League Van Ly said: "The pro-democracy movement will triumph because the communist ideology carries six elements of destruction within itself. These are atheism, materialism, the outrageous hatred, promoting violence, and the wrongful retention of a system that is based on deception. There won’t be an attack from outside. Communism will perish naturally.”
On September 3, 2010 the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention of the United Nations read the report by Freedom Now and demanded the immediate release of Van Ly: "His arrest and imprisonment cannot be legally justified and is a breach of international law." But this resolution had the opposite effect. In January 2011, thirty agents of the State Security prevented the visit to Hue of U.S. diplomat Christian Marchant and the Australian member of parliament Luke Simpkins. The United States protested against the harsh treatment of Marchant who was forcibly taken to a police station.
One of the most repressive press laws
The increased affluence of 25 years of doi moi politics did not benefit the ethnic minorities in the Central Highlands. Due to the corruption and oppression the standard of living in these inaccessible areas even declined. In 2008, 56 percent was poor and in some areas that figure was above eighty percent. Also the persecution of Christians continued. On 29 October 2010, the octogenarian Ksor H'Be, the mother of Kok Ksor, the leader of the Dagar-Montagnard Christians who lives in exile in Canada, was tortured because she refused to distance herself from the activities of her son.
In January 2011, the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party replaced a third of the members of the Central Committee or any person older than 65 years.
Party leader Nong Duc Manh was succeeded by Parliament Speaker Nguyen Phu Trong, the new powerful man in the country. The popular Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung remained in place and President Nguyen Minh Triet made way for the 62-year-old Truong Tan Sang, the former mayor and party chief of Ho Chi Minh City.
Congress approved the change of party statutes allowing private entrepreneurs to become members. And a new decree on the use of the Internet further restricted the operation of bloggers. Anyone who distributes information that "is not in the interest of the people" risks draconian fines. The heavy censorship that applies to traditional media expands to the Internet. Vietnam has one of the most repressive press laws in the world. The first victim was Professor of Medicine Dr. Nguyen Dan Que. The first Vietnamese member of Amnesty International was arrested after a critical article in the American newspaper The Washington Post. Police also arrested lawyer La Quoc Quan, a member of the Justice and Peace Commission of the Diocese of Vinh while he attended the trial of human rights lawyer Cu Hu Va Huy. The people who marched on 4 April 2011 in protest against the conviction of the Va Huy were beaten by the police with electric truncheons.
On 26 April 2011 the imprisonment of the former communist cadre Vi Duc Hoi, who in 2007 made the transition to the movement Bloc 8406, was reduced from eight to five years. He became famous because of his memoirs Faced with reality. My way to the democratic movement. He wrote: "The greatest loss someone can suffer is the loss of the right to be a human being. The biggest crime is to deprive someone of his human rights. The most cowardly person is he who accepts the loss of human rights. I myself was once such a coward. "Vi Duc Hoi received in 2011 the Hellman/Hammett award from Human Rights Watch. Meanwhile prisoner of conscience Nguyen Van Trai died in prison in July 2011 and Truong Van Suong died in prison in September 2011.
In order to combat the gaming addiction of young people, the Ministry of Information and Communication blocked from March 3, 2011 online gaming between 22.00 and 8.00 am. On 15 March the temporary removal of the condemnation of Van Ly expired. But the international pressure not to return him to the concentration camp was very high. Human Rights Watch conducted a global action and out of fear of negative publicity Van Ly was
permitted to stay in Hue. Before the microphone of Radio Free Asia, he said confidently, "I'm going for a indefinite hunger strike and I refuse any medical care if I have to go back."
Archbishop Jean-Baptiste Pham Minh Man of Ho Chi Minh City denounced on 22 May 2011 the increasing government intervention: "We are returning to the principle that every religious activity becomes a favor. This way the rights of citizens become a privilege of the Government. "
The turnout for the parliamentary elections of 5 June 2011 was officially 99.51 percent. Two priests were elected in parliament and five in the provincial councils. Archbishop Pham Minh Man forbade them to administer the sacraments any longer because they refused to denounce the religious persecution and the confiscation of Church land. In application of the Constitution the parliament appointed the political troika for the next five years. Party Leader Nguyen Phu Trong and Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung remained in his post and the new President, Truong Tan Sang, had the support of 97.4 percent.
One hundred of the 2,800 Vietnamese clergy joined the Solidarity Committee of Vietnamese Catholics, the new attempt to establish a Vietnamese Patriotic Church separate from Rome.
Battle over Thai Ha erupts again
In October 2011 the battle around the Redemptorist monastery and the church of Thai Ha resumed. The government wanted to build a water treatment plant for the adjoining hospital. Again the Catholics mobilized thousands of believers. But the police surrounded the area and closed off the roads. Many feared a reissue of incidents such as the demolition of the Thai Hoa church in September 2008. On 3 November 2011 hundreds of officers and soldiers stormed the building and under police protection bulldozers performed ground work for the water treatment plant a few meters away from the church. During the following weeks every day thousands of believers held protest marches.
Meanwhile the Redemptorists were under heavy fire in the media. Especially Peter Nguyen Van Khai, the spokesman of Thai Ha, and Joseph Le Quang Uy were targeted. The latter is known for his work with the poor and AIDS patients and his pro-life activities. He is a famous opponent of abortion. Vietnam is the world champion of abortions, and Le Quang Uy is the spiritual guide of the movement Pupils of Jesus. This movement supports pregnant women who want to keep their child. The church Ky Dong or Our Lady of Perpetual Help in Ho Chi Minh City, managed by the Redemptorists, was targeted because of a prayer vigil in favor of the Thai Ha community in Hanoi. The church of Ky Dong grew into the epicenter of the Catholic resistance in the south of the country. The participants of the activities were filmed and speakers on the buildings around the church disrupted the prayer meetings.
Between July and September 2011 in three waves fifteen employees of the Redemptorists who were active in the church of Thai Ha in Hanoi and Dong Ky in Ho Chi Minh City were arrested. The protest against the arrests led to a succession of peaceful prayer vigils.
Growing Chinese influence
Vincent Pham Trung Thanh, the provincial of the Vietnamese Redemptorists, was also targeted by the government. Together with scientists, intellectuals and former government officials, including General Vo Nguyen Giap, he had signed a petition against the bauxite exploitation by Chinese enterprises in the central highlands. The brutal suppression of any protest against this heavily polluting mine illustrates the steadily increasing Chinese influence. That is not only felt in Vietnam, but also in the neighboring countries Laos and Cambodia.
The red banknote, the Chinese yuan, gradually takes the place of the greenback, the U.S. dollar. In Asia a “yuan bloc”' emerges as most currencies are closely linked to the yuan. Furthermore, China claims sovereignty over all of the South China Sea, a corner of the Pacific Ocean with rich fishing grounds and where probably much oil and gas can be found. On 30 May 2011, a confrontation took place near the Spratly archipelago whereby a Chinese patrol boat sabotaged a Vietnamese oil survey ship. The Vietnamese army held exercises in the disputed waters and China refused a diplomatic mission of ASEAN, of which both countries are members. In December 2012 China announced that it will check all ships in a number of controversial areas of the South China Sea between Vietnam, the Philippines and China.
Excessive sentences illustrate intolerance
In April 2011, the American musician Bob Dylan, in the 1960s a standard bearer of the protest against the war in Vietnam, gave a concert in Ho Chi Minh City. And when after the installation of the parliament the international campaign for Van Ly stopped, an ambulance brought him on 25 July 2011 back to camp Nam Ha, where another five years imprisonment awaited him. This is done because according to the Vietnamese News Agency he "spreads documents that go against the party and the government and incites people to participate in demonstrations."
On August 10, 2011, Pham Minh Hoang, the driving force in Vietnam of Viet Tan, the Vietnam Reform Party VRP, was sentenced to three years in prison because he had called for the overthrow of the government. The brazen manner in which land developers and corrupt local authorities grabbed farmland by force, threats, intimidation and the use of thugs, dominated the current affairs from October 2011. For disseminating protest leaflets three members of the family of Nguyen Ngoc Cuong got together seven years in prison. Also in the port city of Haiphong people marched in protest against the grabbing of farmland and in April 2012 the protest escalated in Van Giang district near the capital Hanoi. For the expropriation of 500 hectares for the construction of a new city thousands of police and dozens of bulldozers expelled farmers who worked that land.
In February 2012, the Vietnamese Deputy Prime Nhuyen Xuan Phuc summarized in a speech the religious policy. He demanded a stricter monitoring of the restitution of property rights and called for action against the growth of Protestantism and the hostile elements that use religion "to ruin our nation." A month later, on March 20, 2012, the annual report of the Committee on Religious Freedom in the United States listed for the twelfth consecutive year the violations of religious freedom. But the government of President Barrack Obama denied the request to add Vietnam again to the list of Countries of Special Interest. Meanwhile the People's Court of Nghe An sentenced two employees of Nguyen Van Ly. For distributing anti-government leaflets Vo Thi Thu Thuy and Nguyen Van Thanh got respectively five and three years in prison. Furthermore, at least twelve activists were waiting for their court appearance after their arrest during protests around the Thai Ha Church in Hanoi and Ky Dong church in Ho Chi Minh City. According to Human Rights Watch in the first months of 2012 at least 31 peace activists were sentenced: the largest number of the past years.
In September 2012 three bloggers got up to twelve years in prison for writing critical articles on the banned website Free Journalists Club. "These heavy penalties are totally excessive and show how deep the intolerance of the Vietnamese government to dissidents goes," said Phil Robertson of Human Rights Watch. When on November 1, 2012, the European President, Herman Van Rompuy, received an honorary doctorate from the university in Hanoi, he stressed at a press conference with his Vietnamese counterpart, Truong Tan Sang, that it is essential that Vietnam respects human rights. But how heavily do these words weigh? According to the Committee to Protect Journalists the iron press law has resulted in Vietnam keeping fourteen journalists in prison, the sixth largest number worldwide.
Van Ly back to the concentration camp TO COMPLETE
10. Freedom or Death
The peaceful fight for freedom is the common thread in the life of Nguyen Van Ly. But because of the centuries of Chinese and French colonization that thought is also enshrined in the Vietnamese identity. Since his ordination in 1974, Van Ly promotes this freedom in the concentration camps where he is imprisoned for eighteen years, in the remote parishes where he was under house arrest for fourteen years, and by distributing polemical writings on the Internet. From 2000 his positions become more radical and he advocates the freedom of all religions and the abolition of the power monopoly of the Communist Party. Because this giant with feet of clay is still standing through a ruthless repression, from 2006 Van Ly engages in politics and promotes respect for civil rights. But once again he ends up in the camps. Today this icon of peaceful resistance, who is partly paralyzed after four strokes, feels in the solitude of his solitary confinement that he is not understood: neither by his colleagues in the church, nor by the international community. Yet his struggle has not been in vain. Because unexpectedly in December 2007, a People’s Church, which emerges from the catacombs especially in the north of Vietnam continues his struggle.
History drenched in blood
Vietnam is one of the few countries whose history is literally drenched in blood. The inhabitants have never known a moment of freedom. They fought for centuries against Chinese domination and from the middle of the 19th century against the French colonizers. The new institutions introduced by the Chinese and French, the economy, language and religion were at odds with the traditional values and customs. The clash, first between East and East, and later between East and West on the one hand has led to the adaptation of new values, but on the other hand has also led to resistance. The quest for independence and freedom is a cornerstone of the Vietnamese identity and explains the dogged resistance against the foreign invaders.
In the third quarter of the twentieth century the country experienced one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century. The First Indochina War (1946-1954), which marked the end of French colonization, claimed a quarter of a million casualties. The division into North and South Vietnam at the Geneva Conference, with a demarcation line at the level of the 17th parallel, however, culminated in an armed peace. Against North Vietnam, which was alternately supported by the Soviet Union and China, the United States took over the role of France in South Vietnam. The country was re-colonized. This time not to suck it dry, but as an outpost in the Cold War between communism and capitalism. Over the years, the battle became more gruesome. The Second Indochina War (1965-1975) claimed three million casualties in Vietnam and another two million victims in neighboring Cambodia and Laos who were caught up in this conflict. The United States who withdrew after the peace agreement of 1973 continued the Cold War in other places in the world.
Totalitarian communist regime
Following the conquest of the south by North Vietnam on April 30, 1975, the country was in ruins. The country is among the poorest in the world. And the end of the war brought no freedom. Quite the contrary. Indeed, the new rulers did not want reconciliation, they wanted revenge. All the top people of the former regime were eliminated and an estimated 2.5 million others languished in reeducation camps. Also the intellectuals who were badly needed for the reconstruction suffered the same fate. Meanwhile the invisible control network of the Communist Party kept a watch on everyone.
But both the land reform as well as the establishment of New Economic Zones continued to meet resistance. And from 1978, an unprecedented exodus of boat people occurred.
In 1979 Vietnam occupied neighboring Cambodia and a war with China took place. But the subsequent international isolation brought the country to the brink of the abyss. From 1986, following China’s example, the doi moi policy or the introduction of a free market economy with a communist government offered a way out. Yet the tide turned slowly. Only since the 1990s, the Vietnamese economy grew annually by seven percent. Western Europe broke the international isolation and after the lifting of the trade embargo by the United States both countries concluded a trade agreement. Yet Vietnam became no Asian Tiger because of the heavy bureaucracy, the ineradicable corruption, the weak currency and the poor infrastructure. Because the subsidized public companies account for the lion's share of the gross domestic product, the western capitalism that invested massive amounts of money in Vietnam, became the biggest benefactor of the communist economy.
While Vietnam became a member of the WTO, the political opposition got a face for the first time. With foreign aid the Vietnamese Populist Party, the VPP, the Action Party of the Vietnamese People, the PAP, and the Vietnam Reform Party, the VRP or Viet Tan started to operate. And the Manifesto for democracy and freedom in Vietnam of April 8, 2006 was at the base of the movement Bloc 8406, and the Vietnamese Progress Party, the VNPP, was established. The creation of the Lac Hong Coalition, the joining of forces of the VNPP and the VPP that aspired to take over the leadership of the country, marked the beginning of a crackdown against all newly established parties, Internet bloggers and lawyers representing the dissidents. The totalitarian communist regime maintained its iron grip.
The peaceful struggle of Nguygen Van Ly radicalizes
Nguyen Van Ly (b. 1947) grew up in the Catholic parish Ba Nguet which in 1955 collectively moved to La Vang Trung, south of the DMZ. As the youngest son in a family of five children, he developed during his seminary training in Hue sharp critical thinking. He blossomed during his internship in the slums of Saigon. After his ordination in 1974, he worked in the capital, but returned to Hue during the final offensive of the North Vietnamese army in April 1975 at the request of Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien. The fact that Van Ly undertook this journey against the flow of refugees, illustrates his straightforward, but also humble and law-abiding behavior. As a zealous secretary of Archbishop Nguyen Kim Dien Van Ly was sentenced to twenty years' hard labor in 1977. But after four months, he was released and was put under house arrest in the remote parish Doc So. In 1978 and 1983 he wrote his first critical manifestos, but the organization of illegal pilgrimages to the pilgrimage town of La Vang resulted in a sentence of ten years in prison. Despite the hard labor, the permanent starvation and incessant indoctrination he survived in the concentration of Cam Thanh Nam Ha through a strong inner life and his commitment to the inmates.
Once released from the camp Van Ly painted in 1994 in his Ten Point Program a poignant picture of the state of the Vietnamese Church. The international recognition of that manifesto gave him the recognition of international human rights organizations, which strengthened his position in Vietnam. In 1995 followed his transfer to the remote parish Nguyet Bieu. The house arrest and the ban to celebrate the liturgy and to preach remained in force. However he taught French, English, music, astronomy and initiation to the computer. Knowing that the computer and the Internet play a key role in his struggle, the technically savvy Van Ly taught himself to use the computer and the internet. When his parish in 1999 was severely affected by floods he gave priority in the reconstruction to the poorest inhabitants. Van Ly is not only one of the most critical voices of the regime, but he is also fully committed to alleviating the needs of his parishioners. Personally he lives a sober lifestyle.
Since the situation does not improve Van Ly from 2000 multiplied his actions for more freedom. In a flood of letters, manifestos and calls on the internet his views became more radical. He fights for the freedom of all religions and calls for the abolition of the power monopoly of the Communist Party. Furthermore he stands at the cradle of the first interreligious conference and with three colleagues he founded the Priests Association Nguyen Kim Dien, the heart of Catholic dissent in Vietnam.
On 5 February 2001 he was transferred to the isolated parish An Truyen. At the request of the American Congress he wrote two testimonies about the religious situation in Vietnam. This is followed by nineteen summonses addressed to the Government, which was unprecedented in a communist country. Van Ly was again arrested and sentenced to fifteen years' hard labor. But after two sentence reductions under relentless international pressure he was released on January 31, 2005. Six months later he launched from the Archbishop's palace in Hue, where he was under house arrest, a new wave of letters, protests and calls. He focused on the respect for civil liberties. Van Ly is a co-founder of the movement Bloc 8406, the underground magazine Tu doo Ngon luan - Freedom of speech, the Vietnamese Progress Party VNPP and the Lac Hong Coalition.
But the government had had enough. On March 30, 2007 Van Ly got eight years imprisonment. In the solitude of his solitary confinement in Camp Nam Ha he suffered three strokes between May and November 2009. He was partly paralyzed and the doctors discovered a tumor in the left part of his brain. On March 15, 2010, under relentless international pressure ,Van Ly was transferred for twelve months to the retirement home for priests of the Archdiocese of Hue for humanitarian reasons, from which his struggle with his sharp pen continued. After a worldwide campaign by Human Rights Watch for his final release stopped, he is again in the Nam Ha camp since July 25, 2011,where another five years in solitary confinement await him.
Foreign pressure decreases
For how long can the combination of a free market economy with a communist government continue? From the 1980s economists predict the failure of this approach. But three decades later, it appears that it is the most successful model in history. Yet the Vietnamese regime is a giant with feet of clay. The ideology of Marxism-Leninism has been replaced by the creation of money. And the bureaucracy and corruption only increase. The strength of the regime lies in the lack of an alternative. The army is woven into the system. And the influence of Communist China that aspires to dominate Indochina like it did centuries ago noticeably increases. The main group that can play a significant role are the Buddhists, by far the largest religion. But the underground Unified Buddhist Church has been infiltrated for years and when a Buddhist party ever comes to the fore, it will also be a communist creation.
Furthermore, with the passing years foreign pressure on the regime to implement changes and the international support for the dissidents is decreasing. This is partly due to the shift in the geopolitical center of gravity to the East where respect for human rights is not a priority.
The Asian and African countries time and again use their majority position in the Human Rights Council of the United Nations. Moreover money rules because of the interaction with the commercial interests in international politics. After the crisis of 2008 only some lip service is given to the respect for human rights. The British BBC and the French station RFI have cancelled their radio broadcasts in Vietnamese.
Change grows from the ground up
Does it make any difference whether Nguyen Van Ly is in a concentration camp or under house arrest? Because the government wants to prevent at all costs that he dies in prison, he receives excellent care in his solitary confinement and enjoys relative freedom. But Van Ly who is gradually wasting away in solitude feels that he is not understood: both by the Vietnamese and the international community, and also not by his Catholic colleagues, which touches him perhaps the most. Because only his elderly colleagues Stephen Chan Tin (92 years), Nguyen Huu Giai (70 years) and Peter Phan Van Loi (61 years) of the Priest Association Nguyen Kim Dien continue the fight for freedom and truth. Chan ly in Vietnamese means not only 'truth', but also literally 'the feet of Ly’.
Yet the struggle of Van Ly is not in vain. Despite the constant crushing of any opposition, through the relentless peaceful struggle of the dissidents the remaining Christian humus layer in society has remained fertile. Unexpectedly this constitutes the breeding ground for the People’s Church who continues the militant struggle since December 2007. Or to use another metaphor: the little brook which Van Ly stubbornly created during his whole life suddenly grows into a broad stream that even one of the most repressive regimes in the world cannot possibly stop.
History shows that those who paved the path for changes do not walk on the red carpet when the victory is won. This law also applies to Van Ly, but one day, the struggle for freedom in Vietnam shall prevail. Will the living icon Nguyen Van Ly see that day?
11. Bibliography
The bibliography of Vietnam and the Indochina wars is very extensive. As always the experiences of ordinary people that paid by far the heaviest toll gets the least attention. Many publications are written against an ideological background. A majority of the books and articles by historians and journalists tells the story from an American perspective. There are many autobiographical tales of captured American prisoners of war and of Vietnamese who fled to the West after 1975. Their horror stories largely color the literary legacy of the war. Examples include the story of the former Minister of Justice of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, Truong Nhu Tang, and the story of Doan Van Toai, a communist sympathizer who was locked up in South Vietnamese prisons, and ended up in the reeducation camps after 1975.
The story from the communist angle gets much less attention. However on 1 May 1960, having realized that the 31 members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party together had spent 222 years in colonial prisons, Ho Chi Minh called for the sharing of their experiences and all other aspects of the anti-colonial struggle in a document that would be the "memoirs of the revolution". But so far only a small number of texts are translated into English. Although only in recent years in communist Vietnam a willingness to open the archives is growing, a number of studies tell 'the other side' of the story.
The sketching of a nuanced, balanced and a historically as accurate as possible picture of the history of Vietnam, where we focus extensively on the life of dissident Nguygen Van Ly, was a delicate balancing act. We consulted a number of scientific studies, first of all the standard work Vietnam a history of Stanley Karnow, as well as many other works that shed light on the different perspectives. Additionally we consulted the archives of a number of newspapers and we gathered information from a long line of interesting websites. The wealth of data from the websites of radio stations, private organizations, religious associations, human rights organizations, newspapers, government agencies, politicians and parties was processed based on the touchstone of historical criticism. In addition to the publications of Bloc 8406 which can be consulted online, the publications of Nguygen Van Ly provided us with a deeper insight into his thinking and acting. Last but not least, a number of first hand witnesses cooperated.
1. Books and publications
Amnesty International Socialist Republic of Viet Nam: Religious Intolerance - Recent arrests of Buddhists, ASA 41/001/2001, februari 2001.
ASHWILL, M.A. & THAI NGOC DIEP, Vietnam today. A Guide to a Nation at a Crossroads, Intercultural Press, London, 2004, 208 p.
BOWMAN, J. S., The Vietnam War. Al Almanac, Barnes & Nobles, New-York, 2005, 512 p.
BROCHEUX, P. & HEMERY, D., Indo China. An Ambiguous Colonisation 1858-1954, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2011, 508 p.
BURCHETT, W., Catapult to Freedom, Quartet Books, London, 1978, 210 p.
CADY, J. F., The Roots of French Imperialism in Eastern Asia, Cornell University Press, New-York, 1954, 340 p.
CHANOFF, D. & VAN TOAI, D., The Vietnamese Gulag. A revolution betrayed – The shocking first-person chronicle of a former supporter of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam who survived his country’s descent into totalitarianism, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1986, 351 p. (Uit het Frans vertaald)
CHANOFF, D., TRUONG NHU TANG & VAN TOAI, D., A Vietcong Memoir. An inside account of the Vietnam war and its aftermath, Vintage Books, 1986, 352 p.
DUIKER, W.J., Ho Chi Minh. A Life, Hyperion, New York, 2000, 695 p.
DUIKER, W.J., Sacred War. Nationalism and Revolution in a Devided Vietnam, McGraw-Hill, Columbus, 1994, 289 p.
DUIKER, W.J., The Communist Road to Power in Vietnam, Westview Press, New York, 1996, 464 p.
GAINSBOROUGH, M., Vietnam. Rethinking the State, Zed Books, London, 2010, 256 p.
GETTLEMAN, M.E., FRANKLIN, J., YOUNG, M.B. & FRANKLIN, H.B., Vietnam and America. The most comprehensive documented history of the Vietnam war, Grove Press, New York, 1995, 561 p.
HAMMER, E. J., The Struggle for Indochina. 1940-1955, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1966, 388 p.
HERRING, G.C., America’s Longest War. The United States and Vietnam. 1950-1975, McGraw-Hill, Columbus, 2001, 384 p.
HUYNH CHAU NGUYEN, N., Memory is another country. Women of the Vietnamese Diaspora, Praeger, 2009, 212 p.
HUYNH KIM KHANH, Vietnamese communism. 1935-1945, Cornell University Press, New York, 1982, 379 p.
Human Rights in Vietnam. Hearing before the subcommittee on Africa, global human rights and international operations. One hundred ninth congress. First session, Washington, 20 juni 2005, 105 p.
JAMIESON, N.L., Understanding Vietnam, University of California press, London, 1995, 428 p.
KARNOW, S., Vietnam: a history, Penguin Books, New York, 1997, 784 p.
LAM, A. Perfume Dreams. Reflections on the Vietnamese Diaspora, Heyday, Berkeley, 2005, 192 p.
LAWRENCE, M. A., The Vietnam War. A concise international history, Oxford University Press, New York, 2008, 214 p.
MARR, D. G., Vietnamese anticolonialism. 1885-1925, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1971, 400 p.
McMAHON, R.J., The Limits of Empire, Columbia University Press, New York, 1999, 288 p.
McNAB, C. & WIEST A., De geschiedenis van de Vietnamoorlog. Een uniek overzicht van alle belangrijke gebeurtenissen en ontwikkelingen in woord en beeld, Deltas, Aartselaar, s.d., 256 p. (Uit het Engels vertaald)
METZNER, E.P.; VAN CHINH, H.; VAN PHUC, T. & LE NGUYEN BINH, Reeducation in Postwar Vietnam. Personal postscripts to Peace, Texas A&M University Press, Tamu, 2001, 160 p.
NGO THI HIEN, Ling Muc Nguyen Van Ly. Nguet Bieu. An Truyen. Luu Tap, Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam, Washington, 2002, 654 p.
NGHIA M. VO, Vietnamese Boat People. 1954 and 1976-1992, McFarland & Co, London, 2005, 216 p.
TEMPLER, R., Shadows and Wind: a view of modern Vietnam, Penguin Books, New York, 1999, 400 p.
TERRELL CARGILL, M. & QUANG HUYNH, J., Voices of Vietnamese Boat People. Nineteen Narratives of Escape and Survival, McFarland & Co, London, 2001, 190 p.
TIET, Tran-Minh, Les relations Américano-Vietnamiennes. De Kennedy à Nixon. Tome I Kennedy-Ngo-dinh Diem, Paris, 1971, 154 p.
Visit to Vietnam: Report to the 51st Session of the UN Commission for Human Rights. UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, E/CM.4, 1995, 31, Add. 4.
VAN CAHN, N., Vietnam Under Communism. 1975-1982, Hoover Press Publications, Stanford, 1983, 317 p.
VAN DYKE, J. M., North Vietnam’s strategy for survival, Pacific Books, Palo Alto, 1972, 336 p.
VANDEN BERGHE, I., De Koude Oorlog. Een nieuwe geschiedenis (1917-1991), Acco, Leuven, 2008, 526 p.
Vietnam. Solidarität mit verfolgten und bedrängten Christen in unserer Zeit, Deutschen Bischofsconferenz, Bonn, 1982, 8 p.
VO, N.M., The Bamboo Gulag. Political Imprisonment in Communist Vietnam, McFarland & Company, Columbus, 2004, 254 p.
YOUNG, M.B., Vietnam Wars 1945-1990, Harper Perennial, New York, 1991, 448 p.
2. Newspapers
Belgium:
De Tijd (1988-2012)
De Standaard (1994-2012)
De Morgen (1994-2012)
Holland:
Katholiek Nederland (2000-2012)
3. Internet.
Online Encyclopedia.
www.wikipedia.org
Websites of radio broadcasters.
° British Broadcasting Corporation (United Kingdom): http://news.bbc.co.uk
° Radio Free Asia: http://www.rfa.org/english/news
° Radio Bosnewslife (Hongary): http://www.bosnewslife.com
Websites of private organizations.
° Pen International: http://www.internationalpen.org.uk/
° Julilee Campaign: http://www.jubileecampaign.co.uk/campaigns/
° Reporters Whithout Borders: http://en.rsf.org/
° A call for democracy (Vietnam): http://www.acallfordemocracy.org/
° Rallying for democracy (Vietnam): http://www.rallyingfordemocracy.org/
° Mouvement for Democracy and Human Rights in Vietnam (Canada): http://www.luongtamconggiao.com/
° Action for Democracy in Vietnam (France): http://queme.net/
° www.aziatischetijger.nl
Websites of religious associations.
° Evangelische Alliantie (Australia) : www.ea.org.au/
° Wereld Evangelische Alliantie: http://www.worldevangelicalalliance.com/news/
° Independant Catholic News Agency: http://www.ucanews.com/
° ICN Independant Catholic News (United Kingdom): http://www.indcatholicnews.com/
° National Catholic Reporter: http://ncronline.org
° www.crosswalk.com/news/
° http://www.asianews.it/
° Rorate (Holland): www.rorate.com/
° www.zenit.com/
° www.rc.net/
° Kerknet (Belgium): www.kerknet.be
Websites of human rights organizations.
° Amnesty International: http://www.amnesty.org/en/; http://www.amnesty.org.nz/ en http://www.amnestyusa.org/
° Protection International: http://www.protectionline.org/-Accueil-.html/
° Freedom Now: http://www.freedom-now.org/
° Mouvement mondian des Droits de l’homme: http://www.fidh.org/
Newspaper websites.
° The New York Times (United States): http://www.nytimes.com/
° Trouw (Holland): http://www.trouw.nl/nieuws/wereld/
° De Volkskrant (Holland): http://www.volkskrant.nl/vk/nl/
° Asiatimes (Hong Kong): http://www.atimes.com/
° The Washington Post (United States): http://www.washingtonpost.com/
Websites of government bodies.
° Senate (Belgium): http://www.senate.be/www/?MIval=/
° Commission for International Religious Freedom (United States) : http://www.uscirf.gov/
° UN Refugee Agency: http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/
° Amerikaanse ambassade (Vietnam): http://www.vietnamembassy-usa.org/news/
Websites of politicians and parties.
° Barbra Boxer (United States): http://boxer.senate.gov/en/press/releases/
° Lauretta Sanchez (United States): http://www.lorettasanchez.house.gov/
° Vietnamese Nationalist Party: http://vietquoc.org/
° Vietnam Reform Party: http://www.viettan.org/
Publications of Bloc 8406.
http://bloc8406vn.blogspot.com/2010/11/bloc8406manifesto.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/03/letterofthanksofbloc8406tohenryjacksons.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/03/letterofthankstoradotylecote.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/03/lettertoleadersofapecnations.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/03/lettertotheleadersofasem6.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/03/press-releaseonreleaseofphsonandmvbay.html
http://cacvankiencoban.blogspot.com/2008/03/progresstodemocratisevietnamin4stages.html
http://countrystudies.us/vietnam/28.htm
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/openlettertovietnamesecitizens.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/letteroffederationforworldpeace.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/letterofsenatorrayhalligan.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/letterofthankstocongressmen.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/letterofthankstorayhalligan.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/letterofthanksto50personalitiesofthecha.html
http://hoatdongkhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/10/lettertodrswillemkoetsier.html
http://cacvanthukhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/11/openletteroncalamityday2-9.html
http://cacvankiencoban.blogspot.com/2009/03/ninepointdeclaration.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/boycottthesinglepartyelection2007.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/letterofappreciationafterthevisittousof.ht
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/lettertonewambassadorofusatovietnam.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/lettertoussenatorsandrepresentatives.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/openletterofthenationalcalamityday.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/05/speechofbloc8406onvnhumanrightsday.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/vietnamdemocracymovementunderattack.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2008/04/whatforeignpeoplethinkofbloc8406.html
http://hoatdongcuakhoi8406.blogspot.com/2009/07/letterofthanksto37ussenators.html
http://khoi8406vn.blogspot.com
http://www.radicalparty.org/it/node/5076401
http://www.tdngonluan.com/tailieu/manifesto_freedomforvn.htm
Other relevant websites.
http://censoredbooks.blogspot.com/2007/02/vietnam-catholic-priest-nguyen-van-ly.html
http://fathernguyenvanly.blogspot.com/
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/02/06/vietna15277.htm
http://jim.com/ChomskyLiesCites/When_we_knew_what_happened_in_Vietnam.htm
http://khmerkromngo.org/articles/amnestyInternational063008.htm
http://khmerkromngo.org/articles/pdf/vietnamtestimony.pdf
http://koyamamichio.com/archives/Nguyen%20Van%20Ly.doc
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703499404574564862023730976.html
http://our-lady-for-life.forumotion.com/blessed-priests-of-the-holy-virgin-mary-f3/father-nguyen-van-ly-nguyn-vn-ly-t1213.htm
http://pen.org.au/about/honorary-members/bio/nguyen-van-ly/
http://pen.org.au/static/files/assets/6a7d33e0/Ly_10-testimony_trans.doc
http://pen.org.au/static/files/assets/c6c8fdfe/Ly_10-prosecution_trans.doc
http://tienhuy.multiply.com/journal/item/653
http://vietnamlist.blogspot.com/2007_03_01_archive.html
http://vietamreview.blogharbor.com/blog/_archives/2010/2/8/4451050.html
http://vietamreview.blogharbor.com/blog/_archives/2010/8/30/4617956.html
http://vietamreview.blogharbor.com/blog/_archives/2010/11/5/4672574.html
http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Texts/Scholarly/Tuong_Chan_Tin_bio.html
http://www.518.org/eng/html/main.html?act=dtl&TM18MF=05010000&idx=334&page=4
http://www6.cityu.edu.hk/searc/Data/FileUpload/321/WP118_12_Thayer.pdf
http://www.acallfordemocracy.org/english_010.html
http://www.amnesty.org.au/tas/comments/22794/
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA41/005/2001/en/71661dd6-d933-11dd-ad8c-f3d4445c118e/asa410052001en.html
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA41/009/2009/en/0dee75c8-9d34-4cba-84fa-c969483f351f/asa410092009en.html
http://www.amnesty.org.nz/news/viet-nam-must-release-ill-catholic-priest-and-prisoner-conscience
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA41/001/2011/en/b92b576a-52b0-42c1-9461-3b927e61aeb1/asa410012011en.html
http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?lang=e&id=ENGASA410032007
http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?id=ENGUSA20100316001&lang=e
http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?lang=e&id=ENGASA410032007
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/HI14Ae01.html
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KG22Ae01.html
http://www.christenhistorici.nl/mgr/externDoc/1235751289.Maar-R-vd-Oorzaken%20Amerikaanse%20interventie%20in%20Vietnam.doc
http://www.cpaparty.org.uk/index.php?page=speeches&id=43
http://www.crossroadsinitiative.com/library_article/1021/Persecution_in_Vietnam___Lord_David_Alton.html
http://www.davidalton.com/vanly.html
http://www.englishpen.org/writersinprison/bulletins/vietnameditorandpriestnguyenvanlyreleased/
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/dase/dv/761/761187/761187fr.pdf
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=MOTION&reference=B6-2007-0290&language=EN
http://www.freedom-now.org/campaign/father-thadeus-nguyen-van-ly/
http://www.freedom-now.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/Testimony.swf
http://www.freedom-now.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Press-Release-Working-Group-Opinion-11-2010.pdf
http://www.freedom-now.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/Working-Group-Opinion-3-September-2010.pdf
http://www.ffrd.org/Vietnam%20as%20a%20CPC%20for%20FRD1.htm http://www.fva.org/200107/story02.htm
http://www.hrw.org/legacy/english/docs/2006/05/11/vietna13346_txt.htm
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/26/vietnam-father-nguyen-van-ly-should-remain-free
http://www.luongtamconggiao.com/pages/tp.asp?topicID=480&categoryID=1&subcateID=13
http://www.oocities.org/tuchinhtri/report.html
http://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~sdenney/SRV-Discrimination-1990
http://www.persecutionblog.com/2010/03/update-on-father-nguyen-van-ly.html#tp
http://www.radicalparty.org/it/node/5076401
http://www.theeffectivespirit.net/2010/01/update-on-father-nguyen-van-ly.html
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,RSF,,VNM,47b418cac,0.html
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4dbe90bdc.html
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,463af2212,488edfb42,4f71a66ec,0,,,.html
http://www.unpo.org/article/9873
http://www.uscirf.gov/news-room/press-releases/2748.html
http://www.vietnamhumanrights.net/Forum/Priests_81504.htm
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article1220
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article8873
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article8941
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article9275
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article9321
http://www.viettan.org/spip.php?article9643
http://www.rallyingfordemocracy.org/pages/news/print.php?id=366
http://www.saintmichaelusa.org/priestofmonth10.php
http://www.speroforum.com/a/22872/VIETNAM--Fr-Nguyen-Van-Ly-suffers-a-stroke-in-prison
http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/content/view/20250/
http://www.thenation.com/article/us-silence-muzzles-vietnams-dissidents
http://www.underwatersites.com/video/iVuYJji9NDo&feature=youtube_gdata_player
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher,AMNESTY,,VNM,3ae6a9a710,0.html
http://www.uscirf.gov/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2748
http://www.usvtc.org/httpdocs%202/Vietnam%20Releases%20Dissisdents.htm
http://www.vietamreview.net/FatherLoi_to_Father_Ly.html
http://www.vietfacts.com/VietNews/ambassador_michael_marine_refuse.htm
http://www.vietnamhumanrights.net/english/documents/australia/autr_att1.htm
http://www.vietquoc.com/na121600.htm
http://www.vietquoc.com/news2004/na100403.htm
http://www.vlink.com/religion/index.php?subaction=showfull&id=1247795494&archive=&start_from=&ucat=&
http://www.worldmag.com/articles/12952
http://www.zenit.org/rssfrench-22715
4. Selection of the writings of Nguyen Van Ly: Statements, calls, summons, letters, testimonies and opinions.
1. November 24, 1994 – Declaration – On the situation of the Vietnamese catholic church in the diocese of Huế.
2. December 3, 2000 – Appeal n° 1 – Appeal made in the closing days of 2000. We Need Real Religious Freedom In Vietnam.
3. December 7, 2000 – Appeal n° 2 – We need real religious freedom in Vietnam.
4. December 14, 2000 – Appeal – Religious Freedom or Death.
5. December 20, 2000 – Appeal n° 3 – We must create genuine religion for ourselves.
6. December 27, 2000 – Declaration – On the communists’ policy towards religion in Vietnam.
7. December 31, 2000 – Appeal n° 4 – Churches of all faiths, let us cry together.
8. January 11, 2001 – Letter – A few words of explanation.
9. January 15, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to the Archbishop of Hue.
10. January 15, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to his eminence, President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
11. January 22, 2001 – Appeal n° 5 – Would the international organizations please stop letting the Vietnamese Communists sign international covenants.
12. January 25, 2001 – Appeal n° 6 – Professors, teachers and students in vietnam: please stop studying communism and the history of the Vietnamese communist party!
13. January 28, 2001 – Appeal n° 7 – Vietnamese communists, please let others do their fair share in Serving the country. Vietnamese people in Vietnam and other countries, please unite in Rebuilding and defending our nation.
14. February 13, 2001 – Appeal n° 8 – Communist party, please disband for the nation’s sake!
15. February 13, 2001 – Witness – First Testimony by Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom.
16. February 20, 2001 – Appeal n° 9 – Let us unite because we are about to win.
17. March 3, 2001 – Summon n° 1 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for serious human rights violation.
18. March 16, 2001 – Summon n° 4 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for violence against An Truyen Catholics.
19. March 19, 2001 – Letter – Precautionary statement.
20. March 24, 2001 – Summon n° 7 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for serious human rights violation.
21. March 28, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to his eminence, president of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
22. March 30, 2001 – Summon n° 8 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for bannishing all human rights.
23. April 6, 2001 – Summon n° 13 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for unrestrained libel and slander.
24. April 9, 2001 – Summon n° 15 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for using physical force on a member of the Norwegian parliament and beating his taxicab driver.
25. April 30, 2001 – Declaration – Joint declaration by Vietnamese Interfaith Council and Overseas Vietnamese Interfaith Council. Rev. Thaddeus nguyen van ly, Rev. Peter nguyen huu giai & rev. Peter phan van lợi.
26. May 4, 2001 – Sommon n° 19 (high priority) – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for infringing on a bishop’s rights.
27. May 16, 2001 – Witness – Second Testimony by a Prisoner of Conscience, Reverend Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly to the United States House Of Representatives.
28. August 28, 2001 – Declaration – Second request to the Episcopal conference of Vietnam. Rev. Thaddeus nguyen van ly, Rev. Peter nguyen huu giai & rev. Peter phan van lợi.
29. August 10, 2005 – Letter – Protest And Support Letter.
30. August 24, 2005 – Advise – How To Overcome Fear?
31. August 30, 2005 – Letter – Protest, Discussion And Support Letter.
32. November 22, 2005 – Declaration – Boycotting The 2007 Single-Party Election. Will be a lethal blow to the totalitarian communist Regime in Vietnam.
33. December 30, 2005 – Declaration – Ten necessary conditions for the 2007 national Assembly elections to be multi-party, free and fair and to avert a general boycott.
34. February 20, 2006 – Appeal – Appeal For Freedom of Speech and Expression “we are no longer afraid. We need to know the truth“.
35. April 30, 2006 – Advise – Profile of Today's Peace Warrior in Vietnam.
36. March 2, 2007 – Declaration – Clarification Issued by the Nguyễn Kim Điền Group of Catholic Priests.
For the integel textes see website www.koenraaddewolf.be/VanLy/Geschriften
5. Personal contacts
Do Manh Tri (Paris, France)
Nguyen Dang Truc (Strasbourg, France)
Nguyen Vu Viet (Saint-Petersburg, United States)
Selection of the writings of Nguyen Van Ly:
Declaration, appeals, citations, letters, statements, testimonies and advices.
1. November 24, 1994 – Declaration – On the situation of the Vietnamese catholic church in the diocese of Huế.
2. December 3, 2000 – Appeal no. 1 – Appeal made in the closing days of 2000.We Need Real Religious Freedom In Vietnam.
3. December 7, 2000 – Appeal no. 2 – We need real religious freedom in Vietnam.
4. December 14, 2000 – Appeal – Religious Freedom or Death.
5. December 20, 2000 – Appeal no. 3 – We must create genuine religion for ourselves.
6. December 27, 2000 – Statement – On the communists’ policy towards religion in Vietnam.
7. December 31, 2000 – Appeal no. 4 – Churches of all faiths, let us cry together.
8. January 11, 2001 – Letter – A few words of explanation.
9. January 15, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to the Archbishop of Huế.
10. January 15, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to his eminence, President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
11. January 25, 2001 – Appeal no. 5 – Would the international organizations please stop letting the Vietnamese Communists sign international covenants.
12. January 25, 2001 – Appeal no. 6 – Professors, teachers and students in vietnam: please stop studying communism and the history of the Vietnamese communist party!
13. January 28, 2001 – Appeal no. 7 – Vietnamese communists, please let others do their fair share in Serving the country. Vietnamese people in Vietnam and other countries, please unite in Rebuilding and defending our nation.
14. February 13, 2001 – Appeal no. 8 – Communist party, please disband for the nation’s sake!
15. February 13, 2001 – Testimony – First Testimony by Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom.
16. February 20, 2001 – Appeal no. 9 – Let us unite because we are about to win.
17. March 3, 2001 – Citation no. 1 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for serious human rights violation.
18. March 16, 2001 – Citation no. 4 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for violence against An Truyen Catholics.
19. March 19, 2001 – Letter – Precautionary statement.
20. March 24, 2001 – Citation no. 7 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for serious human rights violation.
21. March 28, 2001 – Letter – Letter addressed to his eminence, president of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
22. March 30, 2001 – Citation no. 8 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for banishing all human rights.
23. April 6, 2001 – Citation no. 13 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for unrestrained libel and slander.
24. April 9, 2001 – Citation no. 15 – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for using physical force on a member of the Norwegian parliament and beating his taxicab driver.
25. April 30, 2001 – Statement – Joint declaration by Vietnamese Interfaith Council and Overseas Vietnamese Interfaith Council. Rev. Thaddeus nguyễn văn lý, Rev. Peter nguyễn hữu giải & rev. Peter phan văn lợi.
26. May 4, 2001 – Citation no. 19 (high priority) – Issued to the Vietnamese communists for infringing on a bishop’s rights.
27. May 16, 2001 – Testimony – Second Testimony by a Prisoner of Conscience, Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý to the United States House Of Representatives.
28. August 28, 2001 – Statement – Second request to the Episcopal conference of Vietnam. Rev. Thaddeus nguyễn văn lý, Rev. Peter nguyễn hữu giải & rev. Peter phan văn lợi.
29. August 10, 2005 – Letter – Protest And Support Letter.
30. August 24, 2005 – Advice – How To Overcome Fear?
31. August 30, 2005 – Letter – Protest, Discussion And Support Letter.
32. November 22, 2005 – Statement – Boycotting The 2007 Single-Party Election. Will be a lethal blow to the totalitarian communist Regime in Vietnam.
33. December 30, 2005 – Statement – Ten necessary conditions for the 2007 national Assembly elections to be multi-party, free and fair and to avert a general boycott.
34. February 20, 2006 – Appeal – Appeal For Freedom of Speech and Expression “we are no longer afraid. We need to know the truth“.
35. April 30, 2006 – Advice – Profile of Today's Peace Warrior in Vietnam.
36. March 2, 2007 – Statement – Clarification Issued by the Nguyễn Kim Điền Group of Catholic Priests.
1. November 24, 1994
DECLARATION ON THE SITUATION OF THE VIETNAMESE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE DIOCESE OF HUẾ
Dear Reader and All Other People of Good Will,
I do not intend to discuss the situation of the Catholic Church and other religions throughout Vietnam because I do not have all the facts. However, after hearing about the Catholic Church’s situation in the Diocese of Huế, I believe you will have an accurate picture of the Catholic Church and the other faiths throughout Vietnam.
The Vietnamese Communist Government recently approved for the Diocese of Huế an Apostolic Administrator Sede Plena after a six-year wait, the ordination of five priests after an eighteen-year wait, and the re-opening of its seminary after being shuttered for more than eighteen years. Is religious life vibrant and buttressed by religious freedom? Not at all!
The following facts serve to make my point:
1. Hoan Thiện Junior Seminary, 11 Đống Đa Street, City of Huế, was confiscated and has been used by the government from December 1979 as Nguyễn Chí Diễu Secondary School. Currently there are three hundred young people – would-be junior seminarians - who study theology at home while waiting for the government to decide if a handful of them may enroll in the re-opened seminary after an extensive background check. All Huế residents and Catholics in the diocese knew that the junior seminary served the Church’s mission of training young people who hope to be ordained. However, the government argued that the school was just a private secondary school in order to justify its seizure.
The government dismissed over a hundred seminarians and junior seminarians when it seized Hoan Thiện Junior Seminary and virtually closed down Huế Seminary. The dismissed trainees have dispersed, including a handful who left the country in order to become priests elsewhere. Approximately fifteen trainees remain in Huế, hoping to enroll at the seminary, but not knowing when. What crimes did they commit? What should we call this if not religious persecution?
2. In theory, the Church may consecrate and assign bishops to dioceses, perform the sacrament of Confirmation, ordain priests and select and enroll seminarians, for Mr. Đỗ Mười had said: "The government does not interfere". In reality, the government reserves the right to decide – “…may conduct all legitimate activities provided the government has given its approval". During the first persecution period lasting 261 years (1625-1886), bishops, priests and seminarians had to dissimulate their activities and were at times arrested and executed. However, the Church did not lose its sacred responsibilites and could ordain and assign duties to its clergy. Today, religions officially enjoy “freedom”. However, the Church has been reduced to a most passive state and dependence on the government’s whims for She no longer can ordain, consecrate and assign duties to the persons that She deems worthy and necessary. The government decides on the number of seminaries, of seminarians in each diocese, and the frequency of admission examinations as if seminaries were the government’s schools for public servants! How can the government justify its authority to make such decisions? The Lord calls whomever He wants to serve Him whereas the Church accepts as many seminarians as she can handle, and ordains those that she deems worthy. This is God’s domain and not the domain of Marxism and Communism! The government’s restrictions have robbed the Diocese of Huế of approximately 80 new priests that could have been trained and ordained under normal circumstances.
The government interfered blatantly in Church affairs and forced its will based on the totalitarian principle of “Control by the State of All Aspects of Life”. Invoking an overly self-serving concept of authority, “the government’s law is paramount”, the Communists intend to turn the church into a malleable instrument, a loyal slave and an obedient servant. The government framed their treatment of religions in mottos such as “Good citizenship is necessary for good religion”, "Freedom within bounds", and "Worshipping God and love for Socialism must go hand in hand”. The Church is being oppressed because she has not been able to embrace socialism. Paradoxically, the more she is oppressed, the less the Church is inclined to embrace a despotic doctrine that demands to be loved. Every student, from the first grade to college level, is required to fully absorb the fundamental “truth”: “You can only love your country through loving Socialism". A dictatorship aiming at controlling one's mind is the most dangerous and insidious kind of totalitarianism!
3. In 1990 the Board of Counselors elected Bishop Jacob Lê Văn Mẫn Apostolic Administrator sede vacante of Huế. Over the past four years the diocese have been following his direction, yet the government has not approved his position, causing many difficulties to the Church. Isn’t this gross interference in Church affairs? If Msgr. Mẫn had committed a crime, the government would have brought him to justice. If he were not qualified, the Board of Counselors would not have elected him and the Vatican would not have approved his election. Why is the government not satisfied? Does Msgr. Mẫn have to show his devotion to Socialism before the government accept him? The Apostolic Administrator of Saigon, Bishop Nicholas Huỳnh Văn Nghi, has not been approved either. What is the basis of the government’s authority in rejecting their nominations?
4. The novices who joined religious orders have had to dissimulate their activities using various means. Over the past nineteen years, how many were allowed to formally join their respective orders through adding their names to the orders’ household registries even after the novices have completed all the requirements for attaining the status of monks and nuns? Why does the government force them to be clandestine monks and nuns? Any religious order that wants to establish a new branch based on the Church’s need would find that this can be a herculean undertaking. The government still uses on a rent-free basis the building belonging to the Order of Immaculate Mary’s Daughters in Phú Xuân, Kim Long, oblivious to the order’s request for the return of their property after nineteen years of confiscation. The government maintains that it is ready to relinquish the property – but when? The religious sisters have no place to serve God!
5. Catholics in New Economic Zones and remote parishes such as Quảng Bình, Khe Sanh, Bình Điền, Nam Đông, and A Lưới long for a Mass at Christmas and Easter. The government has been dragging its feet with respect to granting them permission to build a church and in allowing priests to come to celebrate Mass or perform sacraments. How could anyone call this a thriving and normal religious scene?
6. The Church is extremely desirous to collaborate in education, health care, communication, and social activities. When can She expect to regain the use of schools, clinics, orphanages, homes for the disabled, and cultural centerss that the government seized outright of compelled the Church to offer public use?
Does the Church currently publish a newspaper or own a print shop that could be used for religious education? A pre-condition is “firm belief in Socialism" or, at least, abstention from criticizing the government. When can the people expect to see freedom of thought, of expression, of teaching the gospel and truth, to send their children to the schools of their choice and for students to select their majors?
7. Due to Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền’s resolute opposition, the government could not establish a Committee for the Solidarity of Patriotic Catholics in the Diocese of Huế. The government is now inviting a number of priests, monks and nuns to participate in People's Committees (units of the government with executive power), or the Vietnam Patriotic Front. The government’s agenda is to use a number of priests, monks, nuns and believers to support its objective of justifying its rule.
I would like to describe the Catholic Church in Vietnam and espress my private thoughts:
8. I dare not label any bishop or priest “State-sponsored” because I believe that you also desire that the Church can grow and conduct her mission under more favorable circumstances. However, what you gain in the short term can never offset the long-term damage to the Church, her legacy and image. Your actions would contribute to the image of a Church that is weak, increasingly compromising, and aiming for a few immediate advantages in contrast to a Church bent on building God’s Kingdom, speaking her conscience, and criticizing injustice and misdeeds. Instead of “collaborating while resisting” as Pope John Paul II had done, collaborating without resisting would be demoralizing to the Christian community at large and all the people who traditionally hold the Vietnamese Catholic Church in high esteem. Is it worth to flatter with words such as “motivated”, “joyful”, “wise”, “admire”, etc. in order to facilitate transactions with the government or to obtain favors?
9. Others may accuse me of focusing solely on religious freedom at the expense of education, healh and social work. It is rather obvious that religious freedom is the pre-condition for the Church to have the capability to stop evil, bring good to society and produce more believers who can serve in various capacities. Freedom of conscience and religious freedom are the basis for the other legitimate freedoms. Although I truly want a peaceful life so that I can serve, I must struggle for genuine religious freedom until Vietnam experiences a normal religious life like the vast majority of nations because I love the Lord and humanity. In those countries, the people have no need to demand freedom and the government does not find it necessary to constantly say “the government guarantees religious freedom” and “the policy towards religions is well defined”. The Episcopal Conference of Vietnam’s petitions of October 18, 1992 and October 26, 1993 to the Prime Minister clearly show that the Catholic Church has been deprived of many rights. She has no recourse other than wait and wait.
What basic rights is the Vietnamese Catholic Church enjoying when one uses the yardsticks from Articles 18 and 19 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights of December 10, 1948 (and ratified by Vietnam when she joined the United Nations in 1977), the Declaration on Religious Freedom of December 7, 1965, and the Declaration on Christian Education of October 28, 1965 of the Vatican II Council (see addendum)?
10. Some may wonder why several other priests keep doing their tasks, including a few who appear to be content, while I constantly demand religious freedom (I was imprisoned twice and am currently placed in the “restricted movement” status on account of my struggle for religious freedom). There are many others who have engaged in this struggle, using different means, perhaps working as hard or even harder than I can. Perhaps there are priests who wisely avoid confrontation in order to serve their parishioners because if all of us were in prison, who would be left to serve?
I hope that authentic Christians and all other well-intentioned people will agree with my ten points. I also believe that many Christians of my generation and future generations are resonating or will resonate with statements by prophets such as Moses, Jeremiah, Ezekiel... over the past 3,000 years: “Let my people go, that they may worship God in freedom” (Exodus 5,1) và "You must go to everyone I send you to and say whatever I command you. Do not be afraid of them…" (Jeremiah 1,7; Ezekiel 2,6).
While I am unworthy, I am determined to follow in the footsteps of Vietnam’s Martyrs; of Friar Joachim Marcel Nguyễn Tân Văn who died in prison on July 10, 1959 in Camp No. 2 in Yên Bình (near Hà Nội); of China's Catholic Church and her underground bishops; and, more recently, Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền who suffered and died for his faith on June 8, 1988 in Saigon. Those who harm me would violate Article 19 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Please pray for me everyday so that I have the strength to accomplish the task that the Lord has assigned me and that I cannot pass on to anyone else. "The Lord has shown me my place; I may not disobey Him." (Letter to Diognetus, Para. 1)
I place this declaration under the protection of Jesus Christ, Our Lady of La Vang, Saint Joseph, the Martyrs of Vietnam, and International Human Rights Organizations. Please distribute this material widely so that my country may see religious freedom and freedom of conscience soon. I am grateful to you. Good bye.
Diocesian Compound in Huế, Vietnam Martyrs’ Day (November 24, 1994)
A humble priest in Huế, Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
(On the sixth anniversary of this declaration (Vietnam Martyrs’ Day, November 24, 2000) Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, then the advisor of the Committee for Religious Freedom for Vietnam, re-issued this declaration from the Catholic church in Nguyệt Biều, Thủy Biều District, Huế, to mark the start of his intense struggle)
2. December 3, 2000 – Appeal No. 1
Appeal Made in the Closing Days of 2000. We Need Real Religious Freedom In Vietnam
1. Whereas: From 1954 through 2000, the Vietnamese Communist Government’s policy towards religious organizations in Vietnam (particularly the Catholic Church) has been nothing more than a NOOSE DESIGNED TO STRANGLE RELIGIONS. In early 1983 Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền said to the People’s Committee of Thừa Thiên Huế: “The Communist Government’s policy on religious freedom is nothing more than a noose that is strangling our Church”. Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý repeated those words twice during his trial in the City of Huế in late 1983. The trial was triggered by Rev. Ly’s leading the faithful to the La Vang Conference pilgrim 1981 and the ensuing difficulties caused by this activity.
2- Whereas: Throughout 261 years of persecution from King Cảnh Thịnh - Tây Sơn (1625) through the Văn Thân Movement (1886), bishops, priests, lectors, deacons, seminary students and believers were killed or persecuted in many ways. The basic functions of the Church such as recruiting and appointing members of the clergy, selecting and training seminary students, etc. had to be carried out in secret. Yet we managed to continue our activities. In 1954 those God-given rights were abrogated by the Vietnamese Communist Authorities who reserved the right to approve each of those activities. Nearly all orders of priests and nuns have had to resort to underground ordination.
3- Whereas: the Government confiscated or forced the Church to cede much of its property.
4- Whereas: Catholics and Other Faiths are being intensely discriminated against, and the believers in new economic zones and other remote areas are having a hard time practicing their faith.
5- Whereas: In contrast to Articles No. 18 and 19 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 12-10-1948; Articles No. 2, 4, 5 and 13 on Religious Freedom of the Vatican II Council, and Articles No. 6 and 8 on the Teaching of Catechism of the Vatican II Council; the Vietnamese Catholic Church is essentially being bound in chains aimed at preventing it from carrying out its mission in accordance with the Vatican II Council.
6- Whereas: “Wherever there is oppression, there will be resistance” and “Free people must actively preserve their freedom”.
7- In the name of the martyred Vietnamese saints, over 130,000 martyrs who gave their lives during Vietnam’s first persecution period (1625–1886), and numerous (a tally is yet to be made) bishops, priests, deacons, and believers who suffered or perished for their belief in many prisons throughout Vietnam during the second persecution period under the Vietnamese Communist Party’s rule (from 1954 on);
As a Christian and ordained priest entrusted with the task to spread God’s Word; following the example of Moses who bravely said to the Pharaoh: “Let my people go, that they may worship God in freedom” (Exodus 5,1); and, as an advisor of the Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam (CRFV) established by Overseas Vietnamesee in Washington DC, United States of America,
I appeal to:
1- All Christians in Vietnam: please note that our Church is being systematically and skilfully persecuted. Please do not let the pitiful favors that you may have been granted mislead you into thinking that the so-called “freedom” is acceptable.
2- All Christians in Vietnam: please pray, spread awarenes, and act to achieve genuine religious freedom, using the means that Divine Providence granted you.
3- All Vietnamese Christians who live outside of Vietnam, all other Vietnamese in Vietnam and overseas, and all other compassionate people and human rights adovcates in the world: please help bring basic freedoms to our people and the right for all religions to practice their faith.
4- All of you: please help me spread this appeal.
This appeal was made in Nguyệt Biều Parish, Thủy Biều District, Huế, where I am being held under observation for my activities on behalf of religious freedom from 1975 until now, on the first Sunday of Advent in the Year 2000 of our Lord, the first year of the 21st century and of the third millennium of the Christian Era.
12-03-2000
Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
3. December 7, 2000 – Appeal No. 2
We Need Real Religious Freedom in Vietnam
1- Whereas: The Vietnamese Bishops’ Conference and other religions’ conferences have repeatedly petitioned the Vietnamese Communist Government using a variety of vehicles; the meager “favors” offered by the government were merely attempts to pacify; and the Vietnamese Bishops’ Conference have had to wait for a meaningful response for so long.
2- Whereas: From 1954 through 2000, the Vietnamese Communist Government’s policy towards religious organizations in Vietnam (particularly the Catholic Church) has been nothing more than a NOOSE DESIGNED TO STRANGLE RELIGIONS. In early 1983 Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền said to the People’s Committee of Thừa Thiên Huế: “The Communist Government’s policy on religious freedom is nothing more than a noose that is strangling our Church”. Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý repeated those words twice during his trial in Huế in late 1983. The trial was triggered by Rev. Lý’s leading the faithful to the La Vang Conference in 1981 and the ensuing difficulties that the government caused him. This policy has prevented the Vietnamese Catholic Church from engaging in normal religious activities and serving the country in accordance with our legitimate desire.
3- Whereas: Throughout 261 years of persecution from King Cảnh Thịnh - Tây Sơn (1625) through the Văn Thân Movement (1886), bishops, priests, lectors, deacons, seminary students, and believers were killed or persecuted in many ways. The basic functions of the Church such as recruiting and appointing members of the clergy, selecting and training seminary students, etc. had to be carried out in secret. Yet we managed to continue our activities. In 1954 those God-given rights were abrogated by the Vietnamese Communists who reserved the right to approve each of those activities. Nearly all orders of priests, monks and nuns have had to resort to underground ordination.
4- Whereas: “A person with free will must work to regain his freedom” in the manner of the saintly Gandhi’s non-violent struggle.
5- Whereas: In consideration of Articles No. 18 and 19 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 12-10-1948, with Vietnam being a member of the UN from 1977 on.
6- Whereas: In consideration of Articles No. 2, 4, 5 and 13 on Religious Freedom of the Vatican II Council and Articles No. 6 and 8 on the Teaching of Catechism of the Vatican II Council.
7- In the name of the martyred Vietnamese saints, over 130,000 martyrs who gave their lives during Vietnam’s first persecution period (1625–1886), and numerous (tally remains to be done) bishops, priests, deacons, and believers who suffered or perished for their belief in many prisons throughout Vietnam during the second persecution period under the Vietnamese Communist Partýs rule (from 1954 on),
As a Christian and ordained priest entrusted with the task to spread God’s Word, following the example of Moses who bravely said to the Pharaoh: “Let my people worship God in freedom” (Exodus 5,1); and, as an advisor of the Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam (CRFV) established by Overseas Vietnamesee in Washington DC, United States of America,
Until the Vietnamese Communist Government amends its policy and grants genuine freedom to all religions, including the Catholic Church, I appeal to:
1: The Cardinal, Archbishops, and Bishops in the Vietnamese Bishops’ Conference: please refrain from organizing future meetings and conferences, as Cardinal Joseph Mary Trịnh Như Khuê, the first cardinal of Vietnam, had wished. On September 1, 1975, Cardinal Khuê said to Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền and me (I was Msgr Philip Điền’s secretary in Hà Nội): “The bishops should not organize conferences as long as we may not express what our conscience demands us to express. The more we meet, the weaker our position will be while we create a false picture of the Vietnamese Catholic Church under the Vietnamese Communists’ rule”. By voluntarily refraining from meeting, the Bishops’ Conference would generate strong pressure on the Government and convince it to change its policy towards all the religions and return all the property that they had seized from the Catholic Church and the other religions.
2: The Cardinal, Archbishops, and Bishops in the Vietnamese Bishops’ Conference: Please stop attending international conferences, including those convened by the Holy See. By refraining from submitting applications for overseas travel, you would put strong pressure on the Vietnamese Communist Government to change their policy on religious freedom. Please stay in the country and continue to minister to the needs of your dioceses. The faithful will provide you with the means to do so. You need not travel anywhere to seek such means.
3: The Cardinal, Archbishops, and Bishops in the Vietnamese Bishops’ Conference: Please stop asking for the authorities’ approval to conduct church business that should normally be carried out without secular interference, including ordaining priests and assigning them to parishes. The appointed clergy should go without reservation to your parish to apply for residency papers. If the government refused, you could attempt to stay there and discharge your sacred duties in service of the Resurrected Christ. Have no fear of retributions from anyone. The believers will take care of your accommodations and other physical needs.
4: To the administrators of seminaries: please stop letting the government review the background of applicants. You should only help applicants apply for temporary residency and absence papers when the seminary sessions begin. If the students were denied these papers, they could go underground in parishes near the seminaries in order to attend classes during the day and rest at night among the parishioners. Many local families would volunteer to host the underground students. I also implore monasteries and convents to arrange for your novices to go underground in various ways.
5: To all priests, monks, nuns, seminary students, lectors and believers: please practice your faith through worships and preaching without asking for governmental approval. The government will make your life difficult for some time, but this will pass. Please boycott all religious meetings and conferences organized by the Communist Government.
6: To all the priests, monks, nuns and believers who are partipating in government-sponsored religious organizations: please find the best route to withdraw as quickly as possible from such organizations.
7: To all Christians in Vietnam: to pray, sacrify, spread awarenes, and act to achieve genuine religious freedom, using the means available to each and those that Divine Providence granted you.
8: To all Vietnamese Christians who live outside of Vietnam, all other Vietnamese in Vietnam and overseas, and all other compassionate people and human rights adovcates in the world: please help bring basic freedoms to our people and the right for all religions to practice their faith.
The preceding material comprises the “EIGHT NEW BEATITUDES" of the Vietnamese Catholic Church at the beginning of the 21st Century, as we hunkder down until we achieve complete freedom in worhipping God on the new Mount Sinai of the THIRD MILLENNIUM, i.e., the Holy Mountain of Genuine Freedom.
Please help me spread this Second Appeal, a very important message.
From the bottom of my heart, I thank all who are engaged in promoting religious freedom, freedom of thought, freedom to follow one’s conscience, and all the other basic freedoms that mankind is entitled to. May God, the Crucified and Resurrected Christ, Our Lady of La Vang, and the martyred Vietnamese saints always protect you.
This appeal was made in Nguyệt Biều Parish, Thủy Biều District, Huế, where I am being held under observation for my activities on behalf of religious freedom from 1975 until now, on December 7 in the Year 2000 of our Lord, the first year of the 21st century and of the third millennium of the Christian Era.
Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
Postal Address: Administration Building, Diocese of Huế : 37 Phan Đình Phùng – Huế
Tel : 054. 846429 or 054. 881061
E-mail : nvlgph@dng.vnn.vn or nguyenvanly@dng.vnn.vn
4. December 14, 2000
Religious Freedom or Death
Excerpt from Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý’s entry on the Communist Government’s citation issued to him when he put up three signs demanding religious freedom.
I affirm that I made the signs with the words “Religious Freedom or Death”, determined to risk everything, including my life, to force Vietnam’s Communist Government to decide. I will maintain this position until death.
Nguyệt Biểu, December 14, 2000
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
5. December 20, 2000 – Appeal No. 3
We must create genuine religion for ourselves
1- Whereas: By their nature, authoritarian regimes have never shown the inclination to grant more freedom to any individual or organization deemed to be a potential threat to the regimes’ illegitimate power.
2- Whereas: If all the religious organizations in Vietnam resigned ourselves to wait passively for the Communists’ Atheist Government to issue decrees that provide insignificant concessions to religious freedom, we would never see a decree that is responsive to our needs.
3- Whereas: If any of the religious organizations in Vietnam resigned itself to practicing its faith within the bounds imposed by an authoritarian regime, that religious organization would subject itself to a controlling entity that has no legitimacy. That religious organization would also cause its faith’s shining light, a light that guides its faithful towards freedom and salvation, to be dimmed for the duration of its subversience.
4- Whereas: As long as a totalitarian regime imposes its will on a country, religions should be the main support, if not the only support, for all those who thirst for justice and freedom. This support would strengthen the people’s indomitable spirit, a spirit that is naturally present in all beings endowed with a conscience and a cultural heritage.
5- Whereas: If a religion in Vietnam did not assert its superior value and salvation power to the people, the world community, and to define its legacy, that religion would lose its basic values.If so, those who long to look towards that religion as a guiding light would be discouraged. Eventually that religion would start losing its vigor and may even cease to exist.
6- Whereas: The period of waiting, nurturing strength and avoiding direct action should have a reasonable, limited duration. An overly long period of inaction means lost opportunities and could weaken the organization.
7- Whereas: Individual freedom is the most sacred and valuable right that the Creator has granted to human beings (Article No. 1 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 12-10-1948); and the fact that one knows how to regain one’s freedom is a great blessing and an unending source of pride for the individual and the organization.
As a person who has unceasingly worked for religious freedom for Vietnam over the past 25 years through many actions, notably the Ten-Point Declaration for religious freedom on November 11, 1994; the Declaration Marking the Sixth Anniversary of that declaration on November 24, 2000; the first Appeal made in the closing days of 2000 (on December 3, 2000) - "WE NEED REAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN VIETNAM"; and Appeal No. 2 of December 8, 2000, and the Explanation of December 12, 2000 that was transmitted via the Internet,
I continue to appeal:
1: To all religious organizations and churches in Vietnam: please follow the example set by the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (also known as Buddhist Monks Association). The organization established a seminary at Từ Hiếu Temple, Thượng II Village, Thủy Xuân District, City of Huế. From 1975, Từ Hiếu Temple was the site of an independent Buddhist seminary. Seminary students do not ask the government for permission to attend. If the government checked the household registry and made them leave, the students would comply, but returned later to continue their training. The temple hosts Tỳ Kheo ceremonies to promote monks to the rank of Venerable without submitting their names to the government for approval, nor does the temple report the names of the promoted monks to the government. Similarly, the promotion of monks to the higher ranks of Thượng Tọa and Hòa Thượng did not involve approval by, or reporting to, any secular entity. The preceptor and training supervisor at the seminary believe that religion is a private matter between Buddha and an individual who studies Buddha’s teaching and has interactions with monks and the religious organization, and secular authorities have no role in this relationship. The resident monks believe that meditation and writing poems expressing one’s religious understanding do not lend themselves to governmental approval. These types of spontaneous awakening would not be possible under such an arrangement. The temple’s way of going about its business should be able to be replicated at all seminaries, monasteries, convents, and houses of worship, shouldn’t it? If Từ Hiếu Temple tries to operate as an independent religious entity and we dare not try the same thing, our spiritual strength would be called into question. The adoption of others’ righteous behavior is in itself an indicator of courage.
2: To all monks, nuns, and priests of all faiths: As long as genuine religious freedom is lacking in Vietnam, please do to lower yourselves in seeking permission to study abroad and other favors. It is better for us to forgo the scientific training that we would get from abroad than to lose our inherent value and independence. The huge loss would be a permanent blemish in the eyes of future generations.
3: To all the religious organizations, monasteries, convents and seminaries: please document the property that the Communist Government had forcibly seized, and request international recognition that such property must be restituted to you. You could do this on your own or we could help you. No government may take private property and funnel them to a few privileged members of that government. If the communist cadres truly “serve the people” and “are objective in their duties” (their repeated claims) how do they explain their quick financial gains and lavish lifestyles when their official incomes are so low? It is obvious that the class struggle launched by the Vietnamese Communists only replaced the old capitalists with new capitalists who are shielded by their own laws. All the Vietnamese people saw through this.
4: In my ardent desire for religious freedom for all faiths, I have been direct and did not attempt to be diplomatic, somewhat like a surgeon using a scalpel while feeling reluctant to cut into the patient’s body. If some of my words were too strong and caused displeasure to certain religious figures, please forgive this humble Catholic priest.
This appeal was made in Nguyệt Biều Parish, City of Huế, December 20, 2000, near the advent of the first year of the 21st century and of the third millennium of the Christian Era.
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
6. December 27, 2000
Statement on the Communists’ Policy Towards Religion in Vietnam
After their 4-30-1975 victory in South Vietnam, the Vietnamese Communists started applying an incredibly harsh policy towards religions:
- The Communists issued numerous decrees with the purpose of constraining and stripping religious organizations of their ability to function with an intensity the like of which had never been seen in Vietnam.
- The Communists have been using deceit and tricks to falsely accuse and imprison clergy and lay people who oppose the government’s religious restrictions. Even those who want only to practice their faith through teaching others, singing in a choir, or joining a religion suffer the same harsh treatment in concentration camps. This crual policy has been implemented continuously from 1954 to 2001.
- The Communists used all kinds of tricks to divide religious organizations and politicize issues related to those, including Cao Đài adherents, Catholics, Evangelicals, and Buddhism. For example, the government established a parallel Buddhist Church, the Buddhist Church of Vietnam, as an instrument against the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam. More recently, in May 1999, the communists established a puppet Hoà Hảo Buddhist Board consisting of eleven communists for the purpose of controlling five million Hoà Hảo Buddhists.
- The Communists seized countless properties from the various Churches - Cao Đài, Hoà Hảo Buddhism, Catholic Church, Buddhism, Evangelical Churches – and put them to official use as the government saw fit.”
Vis-à-vis the Catholic Church, the Vietnamese Communists have taken away the Church’s most basic rights, an issue that the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam has been raising without reservation through many petitions from 1980 until now. My Ten-Point Declaration of 11-24-1994 and Declaration of 11-24-2000 that I sent you addressed this problem. I will summarize the issue as follows:
- The Communists have been violating the right of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam to plan and conduct their annual meetings. The bishops must seek permission to hold each meeting and the agenda must be approved by the government. After the meeting, the bishops must submit the meeting minutes and the text of any message that they want to send to the Catholic community so that the government can censor it.
- The Communists have been interfering in a major way with the Church’s selection and ordination of bishops and priests. The Holy See must spend years negotiating with the Vietnamese Government whenever the Church wants to ordain bishops. The government always rejects the Church’s nominees until the Church proposes names that the government prefers. After years of vacancy in a diocese, the Holy See tended to yield to the government’s demand in order to minimize the negative effects of long vacancies. To illustrate, there has been no bishop in the dioceses of Hưng Hoá, Hải Phòng and Bùi Chu for at least eight years.
Anyone who wants to attend a seminary or anyone selected by the Church for ordination as a priest must have his dossier reviewed by the provincial police. The candidate must be docile and not show any sign of opposition to the regime. If he agreed to collaborate with the government while studying in the seminary, the government would approve his nomination even more quickly. A bribe offered to the police would help his chance further. If the candidate was related to an official in the former South Vietnamese Government or showed any sign of being potentially a critic of the communist regime, they would never approve his application even if he was eminently qualified and valued by the Church. I could cite the names of many promising applicants who scored the highest two to three years in a row on entrance tests administered by the Church and were still denied by the authorities. A bishop who wants to ordain someone or who wants to assign a task to a priest must file a request and discuss the matter with the communists over a long period of time. In some cases nothing was resolved after close to twenty years of negotiations. The communists specify qualifications that have no relevance to a priest’s work. Consequently, the number of ordained priests have shrunk considerably, leaving numerous vacancies when older priests retire or pass away. Several priests are now responsible for up to ten parishes each in a number of remote areas, and simply cannot provide the faithful with a normal religious experience. It is very difficult to transfer a priest to another parish.
- The faithful in New Economic Zones and other remote areas dream of being able to attend only one Mass per year, for Christmas or Easter, but frequently do not get even that. The atheist communists in Vietnam prefer that the residents of remote areas forget completely about religion, something that the Communists truly fear and distrust.
- The Communists’ approval must be sought for occasions when the faithful from different parishes attend Mass together, or when a priest celebrates Mass outside of his parish.
- The Communists still hold many clergymen and lay believers in prisons or restrict their movement while having them under surveillance.
- The Communists violate the Church’s freedom of speech and communication by forbidding the Church from publishing newsletters at both the local and central level. This has severely hampered the Church’s efforts on religious education. While a dozen Catholic newsletters co-existed in South Vietnam before 1975, only two weekly newsletters are in circulation now, Catholicism and the People and Vietnamese Catholics, both created and sustained by the Communist Party. The Episcopal Conference of Vietnam tried to issue its newsletter. After six “illegal” issues, three additional ones were published between February 2000 and September 2000 with the Communists’ approval before they suspended the publication in October 2000. There is no trace of freedom of speech in my country, especially for the various Churches. Material with content similar to my speech can never be circulated in Vietnam because no photocopy shop would dare reproduce it. Except for willing martyrs, no one would dare keep such material for fear of painful retributions against himself and his family.
- The Vietnamese Communists force students at all levels to study communism and profess their love of communism when hardly anyone wants to teach or study the subject. It would be better if only the 3 million Communist Party members and 5 million party associates study communism (if they still believe in it) and channel it towards the goal of bringing prosperity and happiness to the people. The people must be allowed to judge the party’s attempt at building a communist society – to say whether this is chimeric or not. Communism is not necessary as evidenced in the wealth of the other Southeast Asian nations (much wealthier than Vietnam) that do not want communism. Over 2.5 million Vietnamese risked death during their escape by sea in search of freedom, proving that communism is not so great. In forcing its citizens, including religious persons, to study and love a doctrine that went bankrupt in its birthplace, Russia, and failed miserably in Vietnam, the party has shown that it was willing to apply forceful means of thought control.
- The government seized or forced the Catholic Church to “cede” thousands, if not tens of thousands, of facilities used for educational or social activities and as medical clinics. This expropriation that started in North Vietnam in 1954, and in South Vietnam in 1975, has not been reversed. The Church has no longer adequate means for training seminary students and novices, helping students, orphans, and the poor, sick, and crippled. Church members who want to serve the disadvantaged in government facilities are not welcomed. The Saint Pius X Papal Seminary in Dalat, a case in point, used to be run by Jesuits and graduate highly qualified priests for South Vietnam. In 1976 the Communists seized the facility and turned it into a Communist Party training center. The Hoan Thiện Junior Seminary at 11 Đống Đa Street in Huế City, a Middle School-level preparatory institution, was seized in December 1979. The three priests who taught there and over 80 students were forced to go back to their homes. There are numerous other examples that I do not have time to mention.
Confronting the Vietnamese Communists’ ruthless anti-religion policy, the religious organizations have been demanding the restoration of RELIGIOUS FREEDOM in a resolute but peaceful manner until we have a GENUINE version like all the developed countries:
- We demand GENUINE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, notably the right to recruit, train and place priests and other church officials based on each Church’s needs and aspirations; FREEDOM FOR PEOPLE TO PRACTICE THEIR FAITHS, i.e., the government should no longer require citizens to declare their religion on any official forms. This change would allow all the people to stop fearing that their faith would lead the government to persecute them, and assure them that they no longer have to dissimulate their beliefs.
- We demand the restitution of all the properties that the government had confiscated or forced the Churches to cede to the State. In some cases, papers showing evidence of the Churches’ ownership may be missing as a result of the past wars. However, the people can easily testify to the pedigree of such properties.
- We demand that the Communists stop plotting the destruction of religions, stop interfering with the Churches’ internal affairs, and disband the committees that they had set up in the guise of religious organizations but are nothing more than the Communist Party’s instruments.
- We demand the unconditional release of clergymen, monks, nuns, and administrative personnel and elders of various Churches.
- We demand that the government implement the the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966) signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982.
Vietnam, December 27, 2000
I certify that I co-authored this statement. I certify that I co-authored this statement.
Rev. Nguyễn Văn Ly's signature Rev. Chân Tín’s signature
I certify that I co-authored this statement.
Mr. Lê Quang Liêm’s signature
We wrote many times to the government about religious freedom but they have not shown good will. I am pleased with this statement jointly prepared by the representatives of the other religions.
Most Venerable Thích Thiện Hạnh’s signature with date of 12-28-2000
7. December 31, 2000 – Appeal No. 4
Churches of All Faiths, Let Us Cry Together.
- Whereas: Through my Ten-Point Declaration (11-24-1994/11-24-2000) and Appeals, including the one made in the closing days of 2000 (12-3-2000), Appeal No. 2 (12-8-2000), and Appeal No. 3 (12-20-2000), whose focus was the need for genuine religious freedom, and through the Declaration of December 27, 2000 signed by Mr. Lê Quang Liêm (Director of the Hòa Hảo Buddhist Church’s Central Administration), the Most Reverend Thích Thiện Hạnh (Head of the Buddhist Clergy in Thừa Thiên – Huế of the Unified Vietnamese Buddhist Church), the Rev. Chân Tín (Congregatio Sanctissimi Redemptoris) and me, it is obrious to anyone that the Vietnamese Communist Government is controlling the various churches through a LARGE AND TOUGH NOOSE AROUND EACH CHURCH’s NECK. This objective fact has been revealed at our personal risk. No one should ignore it and remain fast asleep, no matter what position he or she holds in the various Vietnamese churches!
- Whereas: As elaborated in the Explanation of Strategic Appeal No. 2, Items 6, 7, and 8:
"6- There is a subtle, hard to explain, and yet important point, namely man’s natural desire for comfort and absence of strife. Our will to resist tends to be easily weakened by a devious tactic that gives us a few morsels of non-essential privileges, whether intended for the individual or for the larger community. In particular, when we apply the canons of kindness and compassion to our interactions with the other party, it is easy for us to overlook FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS that ought to be ours and to be content with what is GIVEN TO US AT THE MOMENT. Kindness and compassion should be based on TRUTH instead of weakness. We love the communists only when we reveal the tricks that they play on us and thereby help them attain true salvation. The churches’ loss of BASIC RIGHTS is manifested through their inability to SELECT AND PROMOTE THEIR CLERGIES, TO ASSIGN THEM TO VARIOUS LOCATIONS, TO TRANSFER THEM, AND TO SELECT AND TRAIN SEMINARY STUDENTS AND NOVICES. Superficial activities should not be seen as evidence of a vigorous religious life. Frequently I asked communist officials: “If an entity higher than the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) claimed that your party is free to operate, subject to the entity’s approval of your recruiting, promoting, and appointment activities, would your party consider itself in control of its own fate?” No official has been able to answer my question.
“7- A long enslavement tends to lull its victims into accepting the status quo, preventing them from rising up. Moses had to work hard to rouse the Lord’s People from their acceptance of their enslavement in Egypt (13th century BC). Later, during the Babylonian captivity (6th century BC), Erza and Nehemiah had to work hard in convincing the Lord’s People to end their servitude and return to Israel.
“8- We ought to look into French history to see how Emperor Napoleon I (1769 – 1821) used discrimination to cleverly sow discord and distrust aimed at weakening the Catholic Church in France. Fortunately the emperor failed in his attempt and eventually returned France to the Catholic Church. Napoleon finally said: “All the thrones have crumbled. Only the Church endures.” Learning from history, the communists are masters at discrimination aimed at weakening the churches. Only the Holy Ghost, the Martyred Vietnamese Saints, and the Buddhist qualities of no fear, no desire, and no self can help us overcome the party’s trickery.
- Whereas: In the conclusion of the Explanation of Appeal No. 2, I wrote: "Consequently, the ongoing struggle for religious freedom is really a struggle to reform and purify ourselves. If a church…is not willing to risk everything for the Truth, who would want to join that church even if it survives under communist rule?...Who would care to seek the church’s guidance when negotiating the path of life? The real urgent task confronting us is establishing our worth for posterity. I pray that each of you devote serious thought to this issue and make the right choice. Concerning the Vietnamese Catholic Church, we still have time to redeem ourselves before we reach the point of no return and history judges us accordingly."
- Whereas: The churches should strive to liberate ourselves instead of waiting for the communists to issue new laws that would satisfy no one. The communists will never dig their own graves. In all spheres, trying to be “legal” vis-à-vis unreasonable laws automatically means accepting the noose around one’s neck. Individuals and organizations who dare risk to become “illegal” through ignoring unjust laws would find genuine freedom. The churches should have taken this commendable route in 1945, 1954, etc. Thus, my efforts are aimed at convincing the churches to purify ourselves and once again proudly carry the torch that guides the people and become again a pillar supporting all good souls. My goal is not to seek behavioral changes on the part of the VCP, a hopeless quest. I only try to reveal the extent to which the government is disregarding religious freedom. If the churches liberated yourselves from these chains, the communists would lose the harbor that they had built for themselves, namely the illusion that they allow religious freedom. The churches have unwittingly played into their hand in this regard.
- Whereas: As Msgr. Philip Trần Văn Hoài said in Rome on 12-16-2000: "What one does not have, one cannot give.” He meant that the Vietnamese Communists, being a secular and atheist group, is in no position to “grant” to the churches the right to ordain Buddhist, Christian and other religions’ prelates, priests and nuns, assign them to various locales, etc. (refer to his four-page article for the Workshop on Religious Freedom in Vietnam on the Occasion of Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý’s issuance of an Appeal for Religious Freedom in Vietnam" at the Vietnamese Catholic Center, Orange Diocese, U.S.A., on 12-17-2000).
- Whereas: Throughout humanity’s history, the Vietnamese Communists have shown that they are the most expert and effective group in terms of denying religious freedom while fooling the largest number of people.
- Whereas: I have described the situation in words so clear and so loudly that my messages cannot be misinterpreted. Any believer in any of the religions, any good person who has heard or read my appeals, and especially members of the lower ranks of the various religions’ clergies, would understand and empathize with me. Yet, a number of high-ranking clergy in some churches still ignore my pleas in order to preserve the privileges that they obtained through many years of accommodations with the persecuting regime.
- Whereas: The Communist Government’s focus on constraining religious freedom has caused their senior leadership to declare that, during the Christmas Season of 2000, they are determined to “squash at its earliest stage any demand for religious freedom made by individuals and organizations who work in concert with foreigners".
Thus, as the Lord wills, I may not be able to address all of you in a normal voice in the future. Today, I tearfully implore you to:
1: Please note that all the religions in Vietnam are being squeezed by a noose, regardless of the velvet covering the rope. How could we accept nicely wrapped Christmas presents and lovely bouquets handed out by the Committee for the Vietnamese Fatherland Front and other governmental committees on Buddha’s birthday, Christ’s birthday, or holidays associated with other religions? Especially when our co-religionists in remote areas do not have facilities for celebrating mass; when students are forced to go to school and take exams during those holidays? Why does a nation that tries to be accepted by the international community as an equal engage in such treatment of internationally significant holidays such as Buddha’s birthday and Christmas? If we do not weep over these measures, what should we shed our tears on?
2: When one lives in an environment where unjust laws are created and enforced, no individual or organization should follow such laws and attempt to be “legal” and enslaved. Instead, we should be inventive, fearless and dynamic in circumventing those laws in order to be truly free. Churches are in a position to become “illegal” without much effort, provided our spirit is strong.
3: Please reflect on the impossibility for the communists to destroy Truth and Righteousness. How could force triumph over Truth? If the communists persisted in using force and trickery to fight Truth and threatened to come down hard on groups who demand religious freedom, such threat would lead to the demise of their party. We can hope that the communists will not engage in such foolish acts. However, if they did so, history would show them how this will end.
Appeal made at Nguyệt Biều Church, City of Huế, on the last day of the 20th century, the last day of the second millennium (12-31-2000), hoping for "a quick end to the sad days without religious freedom in Vietnam.” When we enter the third millennium, may religious freedom return in all its glory. If so: CHURCHES OF ALL FAITHS, LET US SING
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
8. January 11, 2001 – Letter
A Few Words of Explanation
Nguyệt Biều - Huế, January 11, 2001
Respectfully submitted to:
Most Holy Father John Paul II,
His Eminence – the Prefect of the Holy See's Congregation for Evangelization of Peoples,
The President and Bishops of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam,
The Leaders and Elders in the Buddhist and Hoà Hảo Buddhist Churches, in Vietnam and
Abroad,
The Leaders and Elders in the Cao Đài Church, in Vietnam and Abroad,
The Superiors of Monasteries, Convents, Temples and Institutes, in Vietnam and Abroad,
The Priests, Friars, Nuns and Sisters in Vietnam and Abroad,
My Friends, Relatives and Compatriots in Vietnam and Abroad,
And All Other Persons of Good Will,
I am a humble priest in the Catholic Church of Vietnam, Diocese of Huế. From 1975 on, I have been engaged in a struggle for religious freedom for all religions in Vietnam. For example, beginning on November 24, 2000, Vietnam Martyrs’ Day, I re-issued my Declaration on the Situation of Religions in Vietnam (written on November 24, 1994) and my Appeal of Year-End 2000 (Appeal No. 1) and Appeals No. 2, 3 and 4 in which I demanded religious freedom for all the faiths in Vietnam.
Although as powerless as a child in a vast world, an irresistible urge drove me to bold actions that were beyond my humble stature. With God’s help, the internet has allowed the world to know about my struggle and many entities have reacted with sympathy and support. There is visible, active support and also support through the silence maintained by knowing leaders of the various faiths and other people of good will. I am deeply grateful to the Holy Father, the leaders of the various faiths, and all the people of good will, for you have followed my work, and prayed and helped me in one way or another. Please increase your prayers and sacrifices on my behalf so that I may remain humble, steadfast, clear-headed and courageous during this struggle for religious freedom, until all the faiths in Vietnam experience this freedom.
It is very difficult for me to communicate with the outside world. Please excuse me for sending this to you via the internet. If you have the means, please help me by translating, forwarding and disseminating this letter as widely as possible.
With gratitude and respect,
(Signed and sealed)
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
9. January 15, 2001
Letter Addressed to the Archbishop of Huế
Respectfully submitted to Msgr. Stephen Nguyễn Như Thể, Archbishop of Huế.
We wish you and the Vietnamese Catholic Church a spring, a New Year (Tân Tỵ 2001), a New Century and New Millenium blessed with peace, happiness, virtue and God’s Grace.
We are grateful for your support - through sacrifices, prayers, and acquiescing silence - for our justified and necessary struggle for religious freedom for all the faiths in Vietnam. Please forgive us for not asking permission from you and your Representative for actions that we took in our struggle for religious freedom. We proceeded on the assumption that you would not disagree and therefore did not give the two of you advance notice of our planned actions, so that you would not be entangled unnecessarily.
From 1975 on, I have continuously struggled for this worthy goal through various venues. The current struggle started almost two months ago, on Vietnam Martyrs’ Day, November 24, 2000, and involves a number of priests in the Diocese of Huế, over 200 Catholics in Nguyệt Biểu District, and me. With God’s help and the protection provided by Our Lady of La Vang and Vietnam’s Martyrs, our struggle has gathered public support from the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples in the Vatican; Bishop Philip Trần Văn Hoài in Rome; the Overseas Interfaith Council comprising the overseas branches of the Cao Đài, Catholic, Buddhist, Hòa Hảo Buddhist, and Protestant Churches; international religious freedom organizations; international human rights organizations; nearly all the overseas Vietnamese; many members of parliament in various countries; the Unified Buddhist Church and Hòa Hảo Buddhist Church in Vietnam; several bishops and priests and a large number of Catholics in Vietnam; and silent acquiescence and prayers on the part of the Holy Father, the Holy See, the President of the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace; and all persons of good will in Vietnam and elsewhere. The Communist Government of Vietnam has found itself in an embarassing situation with no reasonable solution and no coordinated response. This should quickly lead to that government’s relinquishing its grip on religions through the revocation of unjust laws and regulations aimed at religious activities.
I implore that you continue to support us through all possible means so that we can be in a stronger position as we pursue this necessary struggle for not just the Vietnamese Catholic Church, but for all the faiths in Vietnam.
When the Episcopal Conference needs to meet, please convene a meeting without seeking the government’s approval. Would they dare to disrupt your meeting? When the Episcopal Conference wants a priest to serve as a bishop anywhere, please ask only for the Holy See’s approval. If needed, please notify the government of your action instead of negotiating as you have been compelled to do. In case the Communist Government of Vietnam uses force to prevent your meetings from taking place, or use administrative means to block the Church’s consecrations and appointments of bishops, we would have nothing to lose. Through its actions, the government would show to the world that the Church is being victimized and put in chains, and the government’s policy is nothing more than ruthless subjugation.
While the world reacts to this likely reaction from the Vietnamese Government, the Church could continue to meet, consecrate bishops and assign duties to them, disregarding any attempt by a totalitarian regime to exert unjust control.
On December 25, 2000 the government sent you a draft decree concerning religious activities. It is our humble opinion that you need not comment on that draft. First, no civilized country would even dream of decrees aimed at controlling religious activities because each citizen is already governed by a national code of laws. Second, our commenting on the wretched decree implies collaboration in instituting a velvet-wrapped noose that will be used to squeeze all the faiths in Vietnam. Could we bear the responsibility for helping the regime shackle us and the other faiths? How would history judge the Vietnamese Catholic Church? As I write these words, I cannot hold back tears.
What I outlined above are necessary and courageous actions for the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam to take in fighting for religious freedom for all the faiths. On my knees, I beg the Archbishop to heed our tearful implorations.
We are grateful and hope that you continue to sacrify and pray that we can continue to be sincere, brave, clear-headed and steadfast in our struggle until the Vietnamese Catholic Church experiences genuine religious freedom.
Respectfully,
Your humble son,
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Diocese of Huế
Nguyệt Biều, Huế, January 15, 2001
10. January 15, 2001
Letter Addressed to His Eminence, President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam
Nguyệt Biều - Huế
His Eminence, the Archbishop of Hà Nội and President, Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
We wish you and the Vietnamese Catholic Church a spring, a New Year (Tân Tỵ 2001), a New Century and New Millennium blessed with peace, happiness, virtue and God’s Grace.
We are grateful to His Eminence for your support - through sacrifices, prayers, and acquiescing silence - for our justified and necessary struggle for religious freedom for all the faiths in Vietnam. Although desirous to meet you in person, I am not in a position to do so until all the faiths in Vietnam experience genuine religious freedom as described in the Declaration on Religious Freedom of December 7, 1965 issued by the Vatican II Council.
From 1975 on, I have continuously struggled for this worthy goal through various venues. The current struggle started almost two months ago, on Vietnam Martyrs’ Day, November 24, 2000, and involves a number of priests in the Diocese of Huế, over 200 Catholics in Nguyệt Biểu District, and me. With God’s help and the protection provided by Our Lady of La Vang and Vietnam’s Martyrs, our struggle has gathered public support from the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples in the Vatican; Bishop Philip Trần Văn Hoài in Rome; the Overseas Interfaith Council comprising the overseas branches of the Cao Đài, Catholic, Buddhist, Hòa Hảo Buddhist, and Protestant Churches; international religious freedom organizations; international human rights organizations; nearly all the overseas Vietnamese; many members of parliament in various countries; the Unified Buddhist Church and Hòa Hảo Buddhist Church in Vietnam; several bishops and priests and a large number of Catholics in Vietnam; and silent acquiescence and prayers on the part of the Holy Father, the Holy See, the President of the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace; and all persons of good will in Vietnam and elsewhere. The Communist Government of Vietnam has found itself in an embarrassing situation with no reasonable solution and no coordinated response. This should quickly lead to that government’s relinquishing its grip on religions through the revocation of unjust laws and regulations aimed at religious activities.
I implore that you continue to support us through all possible means so that we can be in a stronger position as we pursue this necessary struggle for not just the Vietnamese Catholic Church, but for all the faiths in Vietnam.
When the Episcopal Conference needs to meet, please convene a meeting without seeking the government’s approval. Would they dare to disrupt your meeting? When the Episcopal Conference wants a priest to serve as a bishop anywhere, please ask only for the Holy See’s approval. If needed, please notify the government of your action instead of negotiating as you have been compelled to do. In case the Communist Government of Vietnam uses force to prevent your meetings from taking place, or use administrative means to block the Church’s consecrations and appointments of bishops, we would have nothing to lose. Through its actions, the government would show to the world that the Church is being victimized and put in chains, and the government’s policy is nothing more than ruthless subjugation.
While the world reacts to this likely reaction from the Vietnamese Government, the Church could continue to meet, consecrate bishops and assign duties to them, disregarding any attempt by a totalitarian regime to exert unjust control.
On December 25, 2000 the government sent you a draft decree concerning religious activities. It is our humble opinion that you need not comment on that draft. First, no civilized country would even dream of decrees aimed at controlling religious activities because each citizen is already governed by a national code of laws. Second, our commenting on the wretched decree implies collaboration in instituting a velvet-wrapped noose that will be used to squeeze all the faiths in Vietnam. Could we bear the responsibility for helping the regime shackle us and the other faiths? How would history judge the Vietnamese Catholic Church? As I write these words, I cannot hold back tears.
What I outlined above are necessary and courageous actions for the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam to take in fighting for religious freedom for all the faiths. On my knees, I beg Your Eminence to heed our tearful implorations.
We are grateful and hope that you continue to sacrify and pray that we can continue to be sincere, brave, clear-headed and steadfast in our struggle until the Vietnamese Catholic Church experiences genuine religious freedom.
Respectfully,
Your humble son,
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Diocese of Huế
Nguyệt Biều, Huế, January 15, 2001
11. January 25, 2001 – Appeal No. 5
Would the international organizations please stop letting the Vietnamese Communists sign international covenants.
- Whereas: The Vietnamese Communists have persistently deceived the international community. The clearest example is the Paris Peace Talk that involved the 4 protagonists. After years of negotiations, no sooner was the agreement signed in 1972 when the communists ramped up their invasion of South Vietnam. They aimed at imposing communist rule over the entire country, a rule that was crushing the North Vietnamese people while it drove the South Vietnamese to flee in fear. Still, the Vietnamese Communists bragged about their great achievement in liberating their Southern brethren! The communist troops were also hapless victims of communist propaganda;
- Whereas: The most basic human rights with regard to freedom of thought, speech, communication, to follow one’s conscience, and religious freedom as enunciated in Articles 18 and 19 of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights (12-10-1948), signed by Vietnam in 1977; and elaborated further in Articles 18 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966), signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982, have never been implemented by the communists. They continue to read and censor private correspondence; prevent mail from being delivered to targeted persons; destroy mail with content that they want to suppress; bug telephones at will; and cut phone and internet service to blacklisted individuals without regard for any international organization;
- Whereas: The most fundamental article concerning education and culture such as Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (12-16-1966) that Vietnam signed on 9-24-1982, has been ignored by the Vietnamese Communists;
- Whereas: The communists signed those important covenants with the intention of circumventing them while claiming that Vietnam has achieved democracy and freedom in order to deceive the international community.
- Whereas: If international human rights organizations continued to let the Vietnamese Communists sign international covenants, three major harms would continue to ensue: 1. Create a false impression about Vietnam’s human rights situation as the communists keep claiming that they respect human rights; 2. The perception that the international bodies can be easily deceived would hurt their standing; 3. Harm the Vietnamese people by indirectly assisting in the whitewashing of this totalitarian regime in their heavy-handed rule for many more years.
Consequently, I implore from the bottom of my heart that:
1- The international organizations, in particular those associated with human rights, do not let the Vietnamese Communists sign any covenant.
2- Be firm in demanding that they implement the agreements that they had signed, especially those dealing with human rights. Examples include the most basic human rights with regard to freedom of thought, speech, communication, to follow one’s conscience, and religious freedom as discussed in Articles 18 and 19 of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights (12-10-1948), signed by Vietnam in 1977; and elaborated further in Articles 18 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966), signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982; the most fundamental article concerning education and culture such as Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (12-16-1966) that Vietnam signed on 9-24-1982.
3- Use all means to pressure the Vietnamese Government to give genuine democracy and freedom to its people.
Please add your signatures to this urgent appeal if you are among the well-intentioned people who live on this planet.
Appeal Made in Nguyệt Biều, City of Huế. Vietnam
January 25, 2001
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
Notes:
Article 18
§1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.
§2. No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.
Article 19
§1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
§2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.
Article 22
§1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests. (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966), signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982)
Article 13
§2..... a- Primary education shall be compulsory and available free to all;
§3. The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to have respect for the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to choose for their children schools, other than those established by the public authorities, which conform to such minimum educational standards as may be laid down or approved by the State and to ensure the religious and moral education of their children in conformity with their own convictions.
§4. No part of this article shall be construed so as to interfere with the liberty of individuals and bodies to establish and direct educational institutions.....
(International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (12-16-1966) that Vietnam signed on 9-24-1982)
12. January 25, 2001 – Appeal No. 6
Professors, Teachers and Students in Vietnam: Please stop studying communism and the history of the Vietnamese Communist Party!
- Whereas: The most basic human rights to freedom of thought, speech, communication, conscience and religion, as specified in Articles 18 and 19 of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights (12-10-1948), signed by Vietnam in 1977; and elaborated further in Articles 18 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966), signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982, have never been implemented by the communists. They continue to read and censor private correspondence; prevent mail from being delivered to targeted persons; destroy any mail the content of which they want to suppress; bug telephones at will; and cut telephone and internet services to blacklisted individuals without regard for international opinion; forbid or authorize the dissemination of any document they please. Who would dare to reproduce and print this appeal? Yet the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966), signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982, specified:
“Article 19:
§1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
§2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice. (International Human Rights Documents, published by Center for Human Rights Studies, HCM City Publishing, 1996, Page 117)
- Whereas: Ideally, Vietnamese citizens ought to be exercising their rights to seek, evaluate, and disseminate information and ideas similar to the content of this writing. However, the mere act of reading this appeal would result in prosecution and persecution in view of the Vietnamese Communists’ use of fear and suppression of thought, communication and speech over several decades; many Communist Party members and civil servants still do not know that Vietnamese citizens have such rights. How backward and oppressive the Party’s rule has been!
- Whereas: When the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) announced the national goal of independence, freedom and happiness, it adopted communism as the foundation for its policy and activities. This contradiction has plagued the government from its first day. The national goal will never be attained as long as the communists follow the communist doctrine because its totalitarian underpinning is incompatible with the concept of true freedom. Many communists realize that this contradiction exists.
- Whereas: Communism is both theoretically appealing and completely infeasible in practice, meaning that a true communist has never been produced on this planet. This truth is reflected in the popular saying “Anyone in his twenties who does not love communism has no heart; anyone in his thirties who still loves communism has no brains!” The Văn Nghệ VN Magazine published a complaint aired by Vietnamese mothers: “Party members are everywhere but not a single communist can be seen!” Only four countries in the world still claim to be communist: China, Cuba, North Korea and Vietnam.
- Whereas: Communism is not necessary as evidenced in the wealth of the other Southeast Asian nations (much wealthier than Vietnam) that do not want communism. Over 2.5 million Vietnamese risked death during their escape by sea in search of freedom, proving that communism is not so great!
- Whereas: The Vietnamese Communists force students at all levels to study and profess their love of communism when hardly anyone wants to teach or study this doctrine. It would be better if only the 3 million party members and 5 million party associates study communism (if they still believe in it) and channel it towards the goal of bringing prosperity and happiness to the people. The people must be allowed to judge the party’s attempt at building a communist society – to say whether this is chimeric or not. In forcing the citizens to study and love a doctrine that went bankrupt in its birthplace, Russia, and failed miserably in Vietnam, the party has shown that it was willing to apply forceful means of thought control.
- Whereas: The party’s version of its history in books and as taught in Vietnamese schools is thoroughly untrue, harming countless generations of students in Vietnam.
The facts are:
- While it is true that the VCP fought the French during the Vietnam’s war for independence, other Vietnamese political parties also did their share. After the war ended, the VCP eliminated its non-communist partners and claimed all the credit for itself (1);
- The VCP’s primary mistake is imposing communism on Vietnam, resulting in the country falling behind by a century and ranking near the bottom of the world’s list of nations in terms of prosperity;
- The VCP’s major crime is to use treachery in eliminating all the other patriotic groups who also fought against the French;
- The VCP implemented a bloody and violent land reform in Northern Vietnam in the 1950’s, causing the death of over 300,000 innocent victims (2);
- The VCP was the aggressor against South Vietnam from 1960 to 1975 in its scheme to impose communism on all of Vietnam, causing the tragic death of 2 million young men in both the North and South (3) while tricking the world into believing that the VCP was liberating South Vietnam from American occupation; the VCP’s murdered thousands of civilians in Huế in 1968 (4) through burying victims alive and other inhumane acts. Yet the communists renamed a street in Huế “Spring 68”! Communist heavy guns killed many thousand civilians (5) during their 1972 siege of Quảng Trị and during the flight of civilian refugees on the highway between Quảng Tri and Diên Sanh (the Highway of Terror).
- The VCP persecuted and eliminated in cold blood hundreds of thousands of members of the opposition throughout Vietnam, notably in over a hundred concentration camps in both the North to South from 1930 until recent times.
- The VCP imposed on our country a doctrine based on lies and treachery that undermines the values that the Vietnamese people and their religions took centuries to establish. The effect in Vietnam is that one must lie in order to be left alone. Even a number of senior clergymen in various religious organizations have had to bend the truth to some extent in order to conduct their business. For example, each form that one sends to the government must begin with the words “freedom – happiness” in spite of the knowledge that there is neither freedom nor happiness.
- The VCP imposed a doctrine that encourages hatred and mass “trials” that claimed many victims, including party members who did not adhere to the party line!
- The VCP imposed atheism on the people, depriving them of their ways of achieving human beings’ desire to be their best.
Therefore, in the name of all the legitimate human rights accorded to civilized people on this earth, I appeal as we enter a new millenium:
Professors, Teachers and Students in Vietnam: Please stop studying communism and the history of the Vietnamese Communist Party!
Appeal made at Nguyệt Biều Church – An Truyền – City of Huế
The 3rd Day of the Lunar New Year Tết Tân Tỵ (January 25, 2001)
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
----------------------------
(1) Motive is to monopolize the credit and power.
(2) A credible number is over 400,000.
(3) A credible number is over 3 million.
(4) Over 4000 victims in Huế alone.
(5) Exact numbers are not available. Best estimate is under 50,000.
13. January 28, 2001 – Appeal No. 7
Vietnamese Communists, please let others do their fair share in
serving the country.
Vietnamese people in Vietnam and other countries, please unite in
rebuilding and defending our Nation.
- Whereas: While it is true that the VCP fought the French during Vietnam’s war for independence, other Vietnamese political parties also did their share. After the war ended, the VCP eliminated its non-communist partners and claimed all the credit for itself;
- Whereas: The Vietnamese Communists claimed credit for liberating South Vietnam through their victory over America. However, they should have refrained from fighting the Americans and invading the South in the first place because South Vietnam had the right to follow the path of freedom and democracy taken by South Korea, West Germany, etc. North Vietnam had the right to rely on the Soviet Union and Communist China in building a communist nation. If North Vietnam had not been the aggressor, South Vietnam would not have asked for military help from South Korea, Australia and the U.S. South Vietnam would have achieved the same level of prosperity and development as South Korea while North Vietnam would have remained at the same level of development as North Korea because it adopted communism as the foundation for its policy and activities for achieving freedom and happiness. The Communists’ goal will never be attained as long as they follow the communist doctrine because its totalitarian underpinning is incompatible with the concept of true freedom. These days, many true communists have realized that this contradiction exists;
- Whereas: The Vietnamese Communists are highly effective with respect to waging war, defense and security (needed to preserve their totalitarian rule), but lack the capacity to bring development and prosperity to the people. After 21 years of socialism in the North, North Vietnam turned out to be much poorer than South Vietnam, and after 25 years of socialism in a united Vietnam, the country now ranks near the bottom of the list of the world’s poorest nations. Yet the Vietnamese are among the most intelligent and hardworking people on earth. It is high time that all of us look at this fact objectively: how could we allow our Nation to remain in this backward state?
- Whereas: Nearly 3 million Vietnamese risked their lives to escape from communism. These expatriates have been shedding tears while waiting for the right time to return home and help in building a prosperous, civilized and happy homeland in order to catch up with the rest of the world;
- Whereas: The task of defending and rebuilding the Nation is the sacred duty of all the Vietnamese and not the exclusive domain of any group or individual. On the contrary, the government should objectively and fairly create conditions that allow each person the opportunity to contribute to the task, based on one’s capabilities and ethical views;
- Whereas: Once we know the positives and negatives of one’s organization, one should stop criticizing and badmouthing the other organizations in order to prevent further antagonism and division. Citing the past for the purpose of claiming the exclusive rights to certain functions or to blame others is doomed to failure and lack of resultsc nào;
- Whereas: LOVE, UNDERSTANDING, SOLIDARITY AND FORGIVENESS are the only elements of real strength that can help us make our Nation stronger and richer;
From the bottom of my heart, I appeal:
1- To the Vietnamese Communists: Please let others share in serving the Nation through the invalidation of Article 4 in Vietnam’s Constitution and the creation of favorable conditions for Vietnamese expatriates to return and contribute to the development of the Nation, and participate in free and fair elections under intenational observation;
2- To the Vietnamese in Vietnam who have the needed capability and ethics: please offer your talents and good qualities to the Nation and People through the formation of organizations that go public (instead of being clandestine);
3- To the Vietnamese expatriates: please return and work with us in rebuilding the Nation;
4- To all members of the larger Vietnamese family: please stop criticizing and accusing one another’s past deeds. Instead of focusing on our tragic past, let us focus on the present and towards the future so that we can reconcile, improve, and work towards the goal of turning our country into a modern nation on a par with the other nations.
Appeal made at Nguyệt Biều Church - An Truyền – City of Huế,
On the 5th day of the Lunar New Year Tết Tân Tỵ (January 28, 2001)
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
14. February 13, 2001 – Appeal No. 8
Communist Party, please disband for the Nation’s sake!
Vietnamese compatriots who live in Vietnam and elsewhere,
Persons of good will all over the world,
I, Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, present you with my eighth appeal. My failing voice and failing health required that another person read this appeal. I will add to the end with my own voice. This will convince you that this appeal indeed came from me.
Communist Party, please disband for the Nation’s sake!
- Whereas: The VCP has shown that it could wage war effectively but could not bring prosperity to the Nation.
- Whereas: Freedom and democracy are the two necessary pillars for personal happiness, national prosperity, family happiness, and individual dignity.
- Whereas: As long as the VCP holds power, there can be no real religious freedom in Vietnam, something that I said repeatedly in the past.
I firmly appeal to:
1- The VCP: please disband for the Nation’s sake.
2- The Vietnamese Congress: please invalidate Article 4 in the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
3- The Vietnamese Congress, Executive Branch, and People’s Committees at all levels: please continue to govern while giving the people the rights that are due them. Please hold free and fair elections with monitoring by the United Nations, international observers and international media.
Appeal made in An Truyền on February 13, 2001
Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
Secretary, Committee for Religious Freedom for all the faiths in Vietnam
Ladies and Gentlemen,
What you just heard was an appeal that I prepared. Facing the prospect of imminent arrest, I could not go into more details for this short but very important appeal of mine.
I have been struggling to bring religious freedom, other freedoms and democracy to the Vietnamese people. However, as long as the Vietnamese Communist Party holds power, they will not grant us genuine religious freedom and other freedoms. Consequently I appealed to the VCP to disband willingly.
Second, after the VCP has relinquished power, the Vietnamese Congress, agencies of the Executive Branch, People’s Committees at all levels, and the Armed Forces should continue to govern and maintain peace and order on an interim basis while the Congress invalidates Article 4 of Vietnam’s Constitution, the article specifying that the VCP is the sole entity that may govern Vietnam. After invalidating that article, the Congress would supervise free and fair elections in the same way as many other nations have been holding elections.
After the VCP has given up their hold on power, Vietnam should continue to be governed in a manner that preserves law and order. My emphasis on this last point is intended to preempt any VCP attempt to label me as an anarchist.
Therefore I appeal to the VCP members who are in the Executive Branch, Congress and Armed Forces to continue your work in order to maintain peace, law and order.
I would like to thank all those persons of good will who identify with, pray for, or listen to this frantic appeal. I believe that this is the only way to restore enduring happiness and prosperity to our Nation. Thank you.
Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
15. February 15, 2001 – Testimony
First Testimony by Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý to the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom
Washington, DC, 2-13-2001
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I may be the first Vietnamese Catholic priest from a communist country to have the honor of sharing my ideas in this building, a noble symbol of freedom for the world.
From this noble platform, I send my new millenium greetings to you and all the people of this vast and advanced country. I wish all of you a New Year, New Century and New Millenium filled with truth, liberty, peace, happiness, and useful services to humanity.
On September 2, 1945, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam’s Declaration of Independence was unveiled, revealing Mr. Hồ Chí Minh’s clever attempt to secure your country's support by borrowing these words from the second paragraph of the United States’ own Declaration of Independence: “All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”
While your country was founded less than 250 years ago, your Declaration of Independence of 1776 made the U.S. one of the first countries to base your social and political life on the concept of Freedom. Any entity living on earth who desires to understand the meaning of freedom and independence needs only to visit your country and people, and see the Statue of Liberty donated by France, for that entity to fully appreciate the meaning of each of the two words.
As an eyewitness who has spent over 25 years in Communist Vietnam, I will discuss without reservation the three topics outlined in your invitation letter:
- The situation faced by religious organizations in Vietnam in the first year of the Third Millenium.
- Should the bilateral trade agreement with Vietnam be ratified by Spring 2001? How would this affect religious freedom in Vietnam?
- How can the U.S. help bring genuine religious freedom to Vietnam in the near term and long term?
I. THE SITUATION FACED BY RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS IN VIETNAM IN THE FIRST YEAR OF THE THIRD MILLENIUM
When Mr. Hồ Chí Minh announced the national goal of independence, freedom and happiness, he adopted communism as the foundation for his policy and activities. This contradiction has plagued his government from its first day. The national goal will remain unattainable for Vietnam and the goal of genuine religious freedom will remain unattainable for religious organizations as long as the communists adhere to the communist doctrine because its totalitarian underpinning is incompatible with the concept of true freedom. Many communists realize that this contradiction exists, i.e., communism would inevitably lead to totalitarianism rather than freedom and happiness.
In my beloved country nowadays, one can see everywhere banners and posters with the words: “Nothing is more precious than independence and liberty”. Ironically, no one in my country truly knows what independence and liberty mean. The evidence corroborating my statement is the fact that I never could participate in discussions that took place in this free country. Countless numbers of Vietnamese youths carried banners extolling independence and liberty at innumerable demonstrations. Yet they thirst for true liberty that has always eluded us.
The government’s interference in religious matters have robbed all religious organizations of their independence and freedom. The best testimony to this situation is the December 27, 2000 joint declaration of the representatives of Vietnam’s religions, the Most Venerable Thích Thiện Hạnh, Head of the Buddhist Clergy in Thừa Thiên - Huế, Mr. Lê Quang Liêm, Director of the Hòa Hảo Buddhist Church’s Central Administration, Reverend Chân Tín, Congregatio Sanctissimi Redemptoris – Saigon, and I. The declaration is reproduced below.
“After their 4-30-1975 victory in South Vietnam, the Vietnamese Communists started applying an incredibly harsh policy towards religions:
- The Communists issued numerous decrees with the purpose of constraining and stripping religious organizations of their ability to function with an intensity the like of which had never been seen in Vietnam.
- The Communists have been using deceit and tricks to falsely accuse and imprison clergy and lay people who oppose the government’s religious restrictions. Even those who want only to practice their faith through teaching others, singing in a choir, or joining a religion suffer the same harsh treatment in concentration camps. This crual policy has been implemented continuously from 1954 to 2001.
- The Communists used all kinds of tricks to divide religious organizations and politicize issues related to those, including Cao Đài adherents, Catholics, Evangelicals, and Buddhism. For example, the government established a parallel Buddhist Church, the Buddhist Church of Vietnam, as an instrument against the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam. More recently, in May 1999, the communists established a puppet Hoà Hảo Buddhist Board consisting of eleven communists for the purpose of controlling five million Hoà Hảo Buddhists.
- The Communists seized countless properties from the various Churches - Cao Đài, Hoà Hảo Buddhism, Catholic Church, Buddhism, Evangelical Churches – and put them to official use as the government saw fit.”
Vis-à-vis the Catholic Church, the Vietnamese Communists have taken away the Church’s most basic rights, an issue that the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam has been raising without reservation through many petitions from 1980 until now. My Ten-Point Declaration of 11-24-1994 and Declaration of 11-24-2000 that I sent you addressed this problem. I will summarize the issue as follows:
- The Communists have been violating the right of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam to plan and conduct their annual meetings. The bishops must seek permission to hold each meeting and the agenda must be approved by the government. After the meeting, the bishops must submit the meeting minutes and the text of any message that they want to send to the Catholic community so that the government can censor it.
- The Communists have been interfering in a major way with the Church’s selection and ordination of bishops and priests. The Holy See must spend years negotiating with the Vietnamese Government whenever the Church wants to ordain bishops. The government always rejects the Church’s nominees until the Church proposes names that the government prefers. After years of vacancy in a diocese, the Holy See tended to yield to the government’s demand in order to minimize the negative effects of long vacancies. To illustrate, there has been no bishop in the dioceses of Hưng Hoá, Hải Phòng and Bùi Chu for at least eight years.
Anyone who wants to attend a seminary or anyone selected by the Church for ordination as a priest must have his dossier reviewed by the provincial police. The candidate must be docile and not show any sign of opposition to the regime. If he agreed to collaborate with the government while studying in the seminary, the government would approve his nomination even more quickly. A bribe offered to the police would help his chance further. If the candidate was related to an official in the former South Vietnamese Government or showed any sign of being potentially a critic of the communist regime, they would never approve his application even if he was eminently qualified and valued by the Church. I could cite the names of many promising applicants who scored the highest two to three years in a row on entrance tests administered by the Church and were still denied by the authorities. A bishop who wants to ordain someone or who wants to assign a task to a priest must file a request and discuss the matter with the communists over a long period of time. In some cases nothing was resolved after close to twenty years of negotiations. The communists specify qualifications that have no relevance to a priest’s work. Consequently, the number of ordained priests have shrunk considerably, leaving numerous vacancies when older priests retire or pass away. Several priests are now responsible for up to ten parishes each in a number of remote areas, and simply cannot provide the faithful with a normal religious experience. It is very difficult to transfer a priest to another parish.
- The faithful in New Economic Zones and other remote areas dream of being able to attend only one Mass per year, for Christmas or Easter, but frequently do not get even that. The atheist communists in Vietnam prefer that the residents of remote areas forget completely about religion, something that the Communists truly fear and distrust.
- The Communists’ approval must be sought for occasions when the faithful from different parishes attend Mass together, or when a priest celebrates Mass outside of his parish.
- The Communists still hold many clergymen and lay believers in prisons or restrict their movement while having them under surveillance.
- The Communists violate the Church’s freedom of speech and communication by forbidding the Church from publishing newsletters at both the local and central level. This has severely hampered the Church’s efforts on religious education. While a dozen Catholic newsletters co-existed in South Vietnam before 1975, only two weekly newsletters are in circulation now, Catholicism and the People and Vietnamese Catholics, both created and sustained by the Communist Party. The Episcopal Conference of Vietnam tried to issue its newsletter. After six “illegal” issues, three additional ones were published between February 2000 and September 2000 with the Communists’ approval before they suspended the publication in October 2000. There is no trace of freedom of speech in my country, especially for the various Churches. Material with content similar to my speech can never be circulated in Vietnam because no photocopy shop would dare reproduce it. Except for willing martyrs, no one would dare keep such material for fear of painful retributions against himself and his family.
- The Vietnamese Communists force students at all levels to study communism and profess their love of communism when hardly anyone wants to teach or study the subject. It would be better if only the 3 million Communist Party members and 5 million party associates study communism (if they still believe in it) and channel it towards the goal of bringing prosperity and happiness to the people. The people must be allowed to judge the party’s attempt at building a communist society – to say whether this is chimeric or not. Communism is not necessary as evidenced in the wealth of the other Southeast Asian nations (much wealthier than Vietnam) that do not want communism. Over 2.5 million Vietnamese risked death during their escape by sea in search of freedom, proving that communism is not so great. In forcing its citizens, including religious persons, to study and love a doctrine that went bankrupt in its birthplace, Russia, and failed miserably in Vietnam, the party has shown that it was willing to apply forceful means of thought control.
- The government seized or forced the Catholic Church to “cede” thousands, if not tens of thousands, of facilities used for educational or social activities and as medical clinics. This expropriation that started in North Vietnam in 1954, and in South Vietnam in 1975, has not been reversed. The Church has no longer adequate means for training seminary students and novices, helping students, orphans, and the poor, sick, and crippled. Church members who want to serve the disadvantaged in government facilities are not welcomed. The Saint Pius X Papal Seminary in Dalat, a case in point, used to be run by Jesuits and graduate highly qualified priests for South Vietnam. In 1976 the Communists seized the facility and turned it into a Communist Party training center. The Hoan Thiện Junior Seminary at 11 Đống Đa Street in Huế City, a Middle School-level preparatory institution, was seized in December 1979. The three priests who taught there and over 80 students were forced to go back to their homes. There are numerous other examples that I do not have time to mention.
Confronting the Vietnamese Communists’ ruthless anti-religion policy, the religious organizations have been demanding the restoration of RELIGIOUS FREEDOM in a resolute but peaceful manner until we have a GENUINE version like all the developed countries:
- We demand GENUINE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, notably the right to recruit, train and place priests and other church officials based on each Church’s needs and aspirations; FREEDOM FOR PEOPLE TO PRACTICE THEIR FAITHS, i.e., the government should no longer require citizens to declare their religion on any official forms. This change would allow all the people to stop fearing that their faith would lead the government to persecute them, and assure them that they no longer have to dissimulate their beliefs.
- We demand the restitution of all the properties that the government had confiscated or forced the Churches to cede to the State. In some cases, papers showing evidence of the Churches’ ownership may be missing as a result of the past wars. However, the people can easily testify to the pedigree of such properties.
- We demand that the Communists stop plotting the destruction of religions, stop interfering with the Churches’ internal affairs, and disband the committees that they had set up in the guise of religious organizations but are nothing more than the Communist Party’s instruments.
- We demand the unconditional release of clergymen, monks, nuns, and administrative personnel and elders of various Churches.
- We demand that the government implement the the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (12-16-1966) signed by Vietnam on 9-24-1982.
II. SHOULD THE BILATERAL TRADE AGREEMENT WITH VIETNAM BE RATIFIED BY SPRING 2001? HOW WOULD THIS AFFECT RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN VIETNAM?
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The second topic that you wanted to hear is my input regarding whether the U.S. Congress should ratify a bilateral trade agreement (BTA) with Vietnam by Spring 2001 and how this could affect religious freedom in Vietnam.
As a priest without expertise in commerce and politics and as a Vietnamese citizen who loves his country dearly while being concerned about its lack of human rights, I offer my simple thoughts as follows:
- Vietnam badly needs BTA for our economic development. On principle, I ardently desire that the U.S. and other countries trust Vietnam so that our people can prosper and our country can develop rapidly on all fronts.
- However, if the Vietnamese Communists maintained their grip on power while disregarding basic human rights as I described in the first part of my talk, by expanding trade with Vietnam the U.S. and other countries would merely strengthen the small group of oppressors at the top and keep the Vietnamese people under bondage longer. Realistically, the people would see a few slithers of BTA-derived benefits trickle down to them, but the price would be extended suffering under the regime’s yoke.
- The Communists’ history of reneging on international treaties should remind you and other countries to be extremely vigilant and skeptical of their apparent trustworthiness. The U.S. and several other countries have learned painful lessons in the past when dealing with Vietnam’s communist regime.
- With respect to human rights covenants, I would like to restate my 5th Appeal of January 25, 2001. The Vietnamese Communists signed numerous international covenants with the intent to circumvent those while deceiving the international community. If international human rights organizations continued to let the Vietnamese Communists sign international covenants, three major harms would continue to ensue: 1. Create a false impression about Vietnam’s human rights situation as the communists keep claiming that they respect human rights; 2. The perception that the international bodies can be easily deceived would hurt their standing; and, 3. Harm the Vietnamese people by indirectly assisting in the whitewashing of this totalitarian regime in their heavy-handed rule for many more years. To illustrate, on September 24, 1982 Vietnam signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (established on 12-16-1966) but has not abided by Articles 18 and 19 dealing with freedom of thought, religion and speech.
- If the U.S. and other countries truly care about the unfortunate Vietnamese people and our lack of human rights, in particular religious freedom, please do not assist the Communist regime in extending their totalitarian rule. On the contrary, the U.S. and other countries should refrain from entering into agreements with the Vietnamese Government while increasing pressure on that entity in an effort to help bring genuine freedom and democracy to Vietnam.
III. HOW CAN THE U.S. HELP BRING GENUINE RELIGIOUS FREEDOM TO VIETNAM IN THE NEAR TERM AND LONG TERM?
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The third topic that you wanted to hear is: How can the U.S. help bring genuine religious freedom to Vietnam in the near term and long term?
- The Vietnamese Communists deified Mr. Hồ Chí Minh through a personal cult that is both wrong and harmful. This cult is one of the reasons for them to undermine the various Churches and their spiritual values because they hope that Mr. Hồ’s cult would rally and unify all the people of Vietnam under their banner. Therefore the first thing for us to do is to evaluate Mr. Hồ Chí Minh’s achivements objectively without embellishment or unjustified criticism.
- While it is true that Mr. Hồ Chí Minh fought the French during the Vietnam’s war for independence, the credit does not belong to just the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) because other Vietnamese political parties also did their share. After the war ended, the VCP eliminated its non-communist partners and claimed all the credit for itself;
- His primary mistake was imposing communism on Vietnam, resulting in the country falling behind by a century and ranking near the bottom of the world’s list of nations in terms of prosperity;
- His major crime was to use treachery in eliminating all the other patriotic groups who also fought against the French;
- He implemented a bloody and violent land reform in Northern Vietnam in the 1950’s, causing the death of over 300,000 innocent victims;
- He led the aggression against South Vietnam from 1960 to 1975 in his scheme to impose communism on all of Vietnam, causing the tragic death of 2 million young men in both the North and South while tricking the world into believing that the VCP was liberating South Vietnam from American occupation; under him, the VCP murdered thousands of civilians in Huế in 1968 through burying victims alive and other inhumane acts. He must bear responsibility for the fact that Communist heavy guns killed many thousand civilians during their 1972 siege of Quảng Trị and during the flight of civilian refugees on the highway between Quảng Trị and Diên Sanh (the Highway of Terror);
- He directed the persecution and elimination of hundreds of thousands of members of the opposition throughout Vietnam, notably in over a hundred concentration camps in both the North and South from 1930 until recent times.
- He imposed on our country a doctrine based on lies and treachery that undermines the values that the Vietnamese people and their religions took centuries to establish. The effect in Vietnam is that one must lie in order to be left alone. Even a number of senior clergymen in various religious organizations have had to bend the truth to some extent in order to conduct their business. For example, each form that one sends to the government must begin with the words “freedom – happiness” in spite of the knowledge that there is neither freedom nor happiness;
- He imposed a doctrine that encourages hatred and mass “trials” that claimed many victims, including party members who did not adhere to the party line;
- He imposed atheism on the people, tried to distort their conscience, and encouraged the desecration of spiritual and religious values that should have been upheld.
In order to restore the traditional values of religion and cleanse the minds of young Vietnamese that have been fed distorted facts, one of the most urgent actions that the U.S. and the international community can take is to present a balanced account of Mr. Hồ Chí Minh’s legacy. Many well-intentioned persons still do not know the full truth about this supremely shrewd and heartless individual. Please do not let this misconception continue because you feel bound by some diplomatic etiquette.
- The U.S. and other countries should, without delay, encourage all the Churches in Vietnam to conduct their work as independently as possible from their government by informing them of the healthy religious scene in your countries. This would highlight the contrast between your countries and the unjustified control over religion currently exerted by the totalitarian regime in Vietnam. Please help counter as much as possible the Vietnamese Communists’ interference with legitimate activities that should be performed by the various Churches. In the beginning, invevitably there would be friction with the Vietnamese Government. However, the government would gradually realize that it had been overstepping its authority in exercising rights that it has no claim to, such as approving assignments of clergy based on the government’s own criteria.
- As long as the communist regime is in charge, there can be no hope for genuine religious freedom in Vietnam. If the U.S. and other countries truly want to see durable and genuine religious freedom in Vietnam, the way to proceed is to create conditions that would lead to the rapid demise of the regime.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today I have had the honor of representing my compatriots and all the religions in Vietnam - including the Catholic Church - in bringing to your attention some important material in this building, a symbol of Liberty and Independence. Please accept my heart-felt gratitude towards all of you in the audience and all the American people - including over two million Vietnamese Americans - for having me share my thoughts on some international issues in this Land of Freedom.
May God bless you, your loved ones, your constructive work, and all the inhabitants of this vast land.
Good bye and thank you.
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
February 13, 2001
16. February 20, 2001 – Appeal No. 9
Let us unite because we are about to win.
Vietnamese compatriots who live in Vietnam and elsewhere,
People of good will all over the world,
Our struggle for religious freedom, other freedoms and democracy in Vietnam is approaching its final phase. We will win soon. Please believe firmly in our upcoming victory. The Vietnamese Communists are now in a very weak position for they cannot identify the path forward, lack the character that would restore their prestige, and cannot raise the Nation from its current state of destitution.
I appeal to all the people, groups and organizations to unite and be mutually supportive in order to achieve our common objective. Please do not let small differences play into the communists’ hands and thus delay our victory. Emphasizing disagreements now would only help the Vietnamese Communists, and does not reflect true patriotism.
Please continue to support, sacrify and pray for us.
May your future be bright and happy, and your endeavors be successful and helpful to others.
Thank you.
Appeal made in An Truyền on February 20, 2001
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
17. March 3, 2001 – CITATION NO. 1
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Serious Human Rights Violation
In the name of international human rights organizations, I, Nguyễn Văn Lý, Priest of An Truyền Parish, hereby issue a citation to the radio station owned by the tyrannical Communist regime in Vietnam. The station is located in Phú An Village, Phú Vang District, Province of Thừa Thiên-Huế.
Since February 27, 2001, the station has been broadcasting twice daily, at 5 a.m. and 5 p.m., five extremely libelous pieces aimed at me while no court has been convened to try me for those alleged transgressions. Additionally, a national campaign involving numerous newspapers, radio and television broacasts is being conducted against me. The viciousness of this attack against an individual surpasses any previous attack orchestrated during the 74 years of tyrannical rule by the Communist Party over Vietnam. For many Vietnamese, this is reminiscent of the myriad of mass accusations and trials during the bloody land reform of the 1950’s that claimed hundreds of thousands of innocent victims.
This attack revealed the brutality and treachery of the Vietnamese Communists in suppressing the freedoms of thought and expression, monopolizing the media, making a mockery of justice, conducting smear campaigns, and disregarding the truth and human rights that are valued in all civilized nations.
This citation was prepared at 8 p.m. on March 11, 2001 in the An Truyền Parish building. It has been read to the parishioners.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed)
18. March 16, 2001 – CITATION NO. 4
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Violence Against An Truyền Catholics
In the name of conscience and international human rights organizations, I, Nguyễn Văn Lý, Priest of An Truyền Parish, hereby issue a citation to the following employees of the Communist Government of Vietnam: public security staff from Hà Nội, Thừa Thiên-Huế, Phú Vang District and Phú An Village, for their violent treatment of An Truyền Catholics as described below:
- From February 8 to March 16, 2001, An Truyền Catholics would accompany me whenever I left the parish’s building. Several public security officers attempted to prevent the citizens from walking while surrounding me. The officers assaulted those citizens with sticks, grabbed and twisted their arms, punched their faces and pushed them until they lost their balance and fell down. The citizens who protested were taken to the public security center where officers threatened them with trumped up charges and asked them to sign the citations prepared by the officers. The innocent citizens refused to sign.
- In the night of March 15, 2001, after surrounding An Truyền Parish, public security officers seized a man by his collar in front of that man’s house and beat him up. The frightened parishioners had to stand watch over the entire parish. After the man succeeded in escaping his tormentors, public security made members of his family come to the public security center several times and questioned them in a threatening way. The officers also falsely accused the parishioners of attacking public sccurity personnel.
- On Sunday, February 25, 2001, I was bringing the consecrated bread and wine to Mr. Định, a believer in Triều Thủy Hamlet when hundreds of public security officers appeared and stood in my way. Several parishioners decided to walk with me. Later, government television portrayed me as inciting the people to behave disorderly.
This citation was prepared at 8 a.m. on March 16, 2001 in the An Truyền Parish building. It has been read to approximately 200 parishioners.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and sealed)
19. March 19, 2001 – Letter
Precautionary Statement
Diocese of Huế
An Truyền Church
March 19, 2001
For the Glory of God, the Catholic Church, Our Lady of La Vang, and Vietnam’s Martyrs, I declare the following:
If the Vietnamese Communists arrested me and subsequently I said or wrote anything that runs counter to:
- My Ten-Point Declaration of November 24, 2000,
- My nine Appeals,
- The Interfaith Council’s Statement on the Communists’ Policy Towards Religion in Vietnam,
- My piece on how Archbishop Nguyễn Kim Điền was martyred, and
- My testimony of February 13, 2001 to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom,
Such statement or material should be viewed as the result of the Vietnamese Communists’ treachery.
Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
20. March 24, 2001 - CITATION NO. 7
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Serious Human Rights Violation
In the name of international human rights organizations, I, Nguyễn Văn Lý, Priest of An Truyền Parish, hereby issue a citation to the Central Television Station in Hà Nội and the regional television stations that re-broadcasted the central station’s libelous material. The totalitarian Communist regime in Vietnam owns all the stations.
In a 10-minute segment of the news broadcast at 7 p.m. on March 23, 2001, Communists’ voices, masqueraded as “Catholic believers”, made libelous comments in an attempt to completely distort the truth about the scenes shown during that segment, scenes that were pieced together out of context and with intent to slander. Without allowing the public to hear my statements, the news segment was focused only on smear and false accusations directed at me while no court has been convened to try me. The whole thing was orchestrated in an attempt to justify the government’s decision to restrict my movement during 24 months to Truyền Nam Hamlet and its threat of further actions against me.
The government’s activities violated Article 72 of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Article 2 of the Criminal Code of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, and Article 3 of the Rules Applicable to Persons Whose Movement is Restricted issued on April 14, 1997 by the totalitarian Communist regime as listed below: “No one shall be considered guilty or shall be punished until convicted by a court.”; “A person shall not be sentenced unless he/she committed a crime defined by the criminal code. A court will convict and sentence the guilty person.”; and, “It is forbidden to take actions aimed at debasing the person whose movement is being restricted.”
This attack revealed the brutality and treachery of the Vietnamese Communists in suppressing the freedoms of thought and expression, monopolizing the media, making a mockery of justice, conducting smear campaigns, and disregarding the truth and human rights that are valued in all civilized nations. This is reminiscent of the myriad of mass accusations and trials during the bloody land reform of the 1950’s that claimed hundreds of thousands of innocent victims in North Vietnam.
I declare that in case the Communists arrest me, I would be like a statue that does not speak, write, eat and drink. Anything that I may write or say after my arrest should be considered to be an effect of the insidious work of the Communist tyrants.
This citation was prepared at 11 p.m. on March 24, 2001 in the An Truyền Parish building. It has been read to nearly 500 parishioners.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and Sealed)
21. March 28, 2001
Letter Addressed to His Eminence, President of
the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam
Respectfully submitted to His Eminence, President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam.
May the Resurrected Christ, Our Lady of La Vang, Saint Joseph, and Vietnam’s Martyrs be always by your side.
Today no Vietnamese bishop publicly takes issue with my struggle. Although virtually all of the bishops quietly agree wih my position, the Episcopal Conference have not been in a position to discuss and achieve a unified position and approach related to my nine appeals. The other bishops are waiting for you and the Archbishop of Huế to state your position first. The Bishop of Phan Thiết, First Vice-President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam, loves me very much. However, he also chose to wait for Your Eminence and the Archbishop of Huế’s announcements. In 1998 and 1999 you said twice to me at the La Vang Shrine: “Vietnam’s Catholic Church should suffer rather than collaborate.” You also asked more than once that I visit you in Hà Nội. However, I have not been able to comply with your request.
The Holy See understands our situation. Therefore the Fides news service, Radio Vatican and Radio Veritas have been supporting my actions. Cardinal Francis Xavier Nguyễn Văn Thuận communicated to me twice, on March 8 and March 15, 2001, that he was in some ways the “Joseph of Vietnam’s Catholic Church” while I was the “Simon”. Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền relayed those messages to me when the Cardinal was under house arrest in Giang Xá, Hà Nội. His Eminence also sent word to me that I “should not wait for official endorsement by Vietnam’s Episcopal Conference.”
In 1980-1984 Cardinal Glemp of Poland believed that any human rights dialog should be preceded by a good relationship with Poland’s Communist Government”, in disagreement with Blessed Jerzy Popieluszko, Polish martyr. However, Pope John Paul II endorsed Rev. Popieluszko’s stance.
On February 21, 2001, Most Venerable Thích Quảng Độ, Director of the Institute for the Propagation of the Faith of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, issued his Appeal on Eight Points of Democracy for Vietnam. On March 13, 2001, the overseas Vietnamese Buddhists announced their support for the appeal.
Surely Communist rule in Vietnam will come to an end in the near future. To enable the Vietnamese Catholic Church to be more readily accepted by Vietnam’s people whose political views are changing rapidly, and to show that the Church is not content after 26 years of silence punctuated by occasional, discreet petitions to the Communist Government, please issue a public endorsement of my views on religious freedom and democracy for Vietnam as Radio Vatican and Radio Veritas have been doing for two months. I am certain of success no matter how long the government continues to restrict my movement, or in case they imprison me, or even kill me. My request to Your Eminence is not motivated by a concern for my own safety and well-being. Rather, I believe that your action can help bring democracy and freedom to Vietnam faster while ensuring that the Vietnamese Catholic Church will have its proper place in history.
I implore Your Eminence to think about my request, pray, and act. Please empathize with me, sacrify, and pray for me.
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý,
An Truyền Parish Priest
Signed and Sealed
22. March 30, 2001 – CITATION NO. 8
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Bannishing All Human Rights
In the name of conscience and international human rights organizations, I, Nguyễn Văn Lý, Priest of An Truyền Parish, hereby issue a citation to the the totalitarian Communist regime in Vietnam for their actions as described below.
- On March 5, 2001, from 3 to 4:30, approximately 200 public security officers and other government employees from Hà Nội and Thừa Thiên-Huế, and government employees from Thủy Biều District, Huế, including:
- Nhuận, Secretary, Communist Party of Thủy Biều,
- Hoàng Trọng Lộc, Chairman, People's Committee of Thủy Biều,
- Đặng Văn Ngân, Chief, Public Security of Thủy Biều,
- Tôn Nữ Quỳnh Tương, Vice Chair, People’s Committee of Thủy Biều.
The above-named individuals brought a few hundred of their followers in addition to the 200 above-mentioned government employees. Additionally, the government hired some rough looking characters to place a ladder against the façade of the church in Nguyệt Biểu and take down our sign that says: “Religious freedom or death” and two other signs that say: “We need religious freedom”. Before this transgression against a sacred place took place, the government had taken the following pre-emptive measures: a) secured all the bells and drums so that Nguyệt Biểu parishioners could not alert one another; b) two public security officers entered each of the parishioners’ homes to prevent anyone from going to the church; and, c) blocked the roads leading to the church. Still, about 20 parishioners managed to gather near the church with Rev. Trần Văn Quí, parish priest, and Mr. Lê Diệu, Chairman, Parishioners’ Committee, to witness the act mentioned above.
- On March 14, 2001, between 6:30 a.m. and 6:00 p.m., approximately 500 Communists from Hà Nội, Thừa Thiên-Huế and local government units, including Hoàng Trọng Dị, Chief, Thủy Biều Agricultural Cooperative, came to Nguyệt Biểu. Another large group, numbering 400-500 Communists, followed the first group. The first group violently attacked approximately 40 parishioners who were attempting to prevent the government from lining an irrigation ditch with cement because the government illegally had the ditch dug 20 years ago to partition land owned by the Church. Among the victims were: a) Hoàng Trọng Dũng, a youth, who was choked and whose gold necklace decorated with Jesus on the Cross was ripped from his neck while the Communists dragged him and Miss Hoàng Thị Hương to the government building in Thủy Biều; b) Miss Đặng Thị Lập who was injured after they twisted her arm; c) Mrs. Hoàng Thị Bạch who nearly fainted during the scuffle; d) Mr. Hoàng Trọng Hiếu, a 75-year old man, who was pushed and shoved violently; e) approximately 20 women, elderly women and children who were forcefully ejected from the ditch. Five-year old and six-year old children wept and cried out: “Religious freedom or death!” Several parishioners shouted repeatedly: "The Communists have taken land from the Church again and again!” Mrs. Nguyễn Thị Tuyết ran after those who took Dũng and Hương to offer herself as another victim of detention. The government also made Rev. Trần Văn Quí report for interrogation. On March 14, 2001 the above-mentioned 40 parishioners witnessed the government’s attack. On March 15 through 17 approximately 150 parishioners witnessed the government’s action on the church’s ground while singing the Peace Prayer, saying the Prayer to Vietnam’s Martyrs, and using their rosaries while praying for the Communists. They also chanted now and then: "The Communists robbed the Church of Her land!” amid tears. A number of government employees looked quite shamed while many local people expressed their deep admiration for their Catholic neighbors.
- On March 14, the Communists carried out their order to remove material posted on the walls of the church and classrooms around the church because the sheets described Articles 18 and 19 on freedom of religion, expression and thought from the United Nations’ International Covenant on Political and Civil Rights of December 16, 1966 that Vietnam technically accepted when joining the UN on September 24, 1982. Later, parishioners put up other copies. On March 22, when only two girls were on the church’s ground, approximately 20 Communists removed the material from walls. Parishioners put up other copies once more. On March 26, approximately 20 Communists came and removed the material, claiming that its content was not appropriate at this time. Hoàng Trọng Dị, a government employee, wrote a citation in such haste that he forgot to decorate it with the obligatory words “Liberty – Independence – Happiness”. Several parishioners cried out: “Yes, just like Reverend Lý!” A 65-year old man, Mr. Hoàng Trọng Ánh, protested by lying down in front of the church and crying out: “Why do you Communists oppress this parish so much? We'd rather die right here.” Many other parishioners joined the protest. On March 28, parishioners glued the sheets to the inside of the glass windows of the church. Dozens of government employees came, but did not dare to break any window. On March 29, parishioners put up more sheets with the same content. The Communists surrounded the church all night long but did not succeed in having the sheets removed.
The government’s actions demonstrated that it had bannished the fundamental freedoms of thought, expression, and religion because it wants to hide the existence of the 1966 international covenant governing Vietnam when the Communist Government succeeded in having Vietnam join the United Nations in 1982. I had pointed this out in my Appeal No. 6 of January 25, 2001. During their attempts at removing the sheets featuring Articles 18 and 19, the Communists said: “You must ask permission from the People’s Committee first in order to read this material.” Those government employees did not know themselves that they had the rights spelled out in the international covenant.
At 9 p.m. on March 29, Miss Hoàng Thị Hương went to work the night shift at the Long Thọ Cement Plant. Three public security officers stopped her bicycle with the intent of roughening her up, but had to flee when she cried out: “Bandits! Help!” Some time later, approximately 20 public security officers threw large stones at Mr. Lê Lai's house across the Nguyệt Biểu Church because the sheets had not been removed from the church’s windows.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and Sealed)
23. April 6, 2001 – CITATION NO. 13
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Unrestrained Libel and Slander
In the name of conscience and international human rights organizations, I, Nguyễn Văn Lý, Priest of An Truyền Parish, hereby issue a citation to the radio station owned by the tyrannical Communist regime in Phú An Village, Phú Vang District, Province of Thừa Thiên-Huế.
From February 27, 2001, through today (April 6, 2001), the station has been broadcasting twice daily, at 5 a.m. and 5 p.m., a number of extremely libelous pieces aimed at me (5 per broadcast in the initial weeks, 2 to 3 per broadcast for a number of weeks, and now 6 per broadcast or 12 pieces each day) while no court has been convened to try me for those alleged transgressions. Additionally, a national campaign involving numerous newspapers, radio and television broacasts is being conducted against me. Throughout the afternoon of April 5, a government employee standing in front of the church continuously hurled insults aimed at me.
This attack revealed the Vietnamese Communists’ intent to suppress the freedoms of thought and expression, monopolize the media, make a mockery of justice, conduct smear campaigns, and disregard Item 3 in the Rules Applicable to Persons Whose Movement Are Restricted issued by the Prime Minister on April 14, 1997.
This citation was prepared at 10 a.m. on April 6, 2001 in the An Truyền Parish building.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and Sealed)
24. April 9, 2001 – CITATION NO. 15
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Using Physical Force on a Member of the Norwegian Parliament And Beating his Taxicab Driver
Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Lack of Independence – Loss of Liberty – No Happiness
At 7 p.m. on April 9, 2001, a taxicab whose company has the telephone number 054.828282 succeeded in bringing Member of Parliament Lars Rise of the Christian Democratic Party (Norway), his assistant, and an interpreter to the steps of An Truyền Church. The group had just visited Most Venerable Thích Thiện Hạnh and High Venerable Thích Thái Hoà at Từ Hiếu Buddhist Temple from 1:45 p.m. to 4:45 p.m.
As soon as the taxicab came to a stop, the government cut power to the church and approximately seven or eight public security officers who had been standing near the church rushed towards the visitors and tried to take them to the administrative building of the People’s Committee of Phú An Village. Parishioners struggled and managed to bring the four inside the church where Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý was celebrating Mass. Rev. Lý greeted the visitors, introduced them to the congregation, concluded the Mass, took the visitors to the parish’s building, and locked its door after all had come inside.
Very quickly over 600 parishioners surrounded the building while approximately 100 public security officers arrived on the scene. Some of them shouted their demand for Rev. Lý to open the door. The parishioners prayed and sang hymns, primarily the Peace Prayer. The Communists brought loudspeakers to the scene and prepared to climb over the fence and enter the building.
At 9 p.m., Rev. Lý attempted to lead the three visitors and the driver into the church upon the visitors’ request, but the Communists demanded that they come to the government’s building in Phú An Village. Public security officers pulled and pushed the unwilling visitors and their driver while the parishioners tried to protect them as they accompanied the group to the government’s building. The parishioners shouted repeatedly: “Religious freedom or death!” and “Down with oppression!” during the walk. The Communists finally pushed the three visitors into a government car. One of the Communists, Hồ Đắc Vĩnh (aka Xuân Hương) punched the taxicab driver in the face many times in full sight of the parishioners before the three visitors were forced into the car.
We have no idea what other mistreatment Mr. Lars Rise and his companions had to endure after they were driven away.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and Sealed)
25. April 30, 2001 – Statement
Joint Declaration by VIETNAMESE INTERFAITH COUNCIL and OVERSEAS VIETNAMESE INTERFAITH COUNCIL
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
Rev. Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải & Rev. Peter Phan Văn Lợi
- Whereas: The Vietnamese Communists imposed a totalitarian rule in North Vietnam as of 1945 and all of Vietnam as of 1975, denying liberty and democracy to the people, violating all human rights, and especially declaring war on all the faiths through a systematic and major effort aimed at destroying religions.
- Whereas: Not content with their incarceration, elimination, bannishing and tight surveillance of priests, members of religious orders, and believers of the Cao Đài Church, the Catholic Church, the Buddhist Church, the Hòa Hảo Buddhist Church, and the Protestant Churches, the Communists also established State-sponsored religious entities in their attempt to destroy the Churches and making them docile instruments in order to mislead the international community.
- Whereas: The draft decree on religious affairs unveiled in late 2000 by the Communists shows that they are even more insidious than one could imagine. On the surface, the decree seems to say that there will be more religious freedom. Actually the decree was designed to making believers second class citizens subject to surveillance and distrust, and worse, turning religious organizations into organs of the Communist Party and giving the Party stifling control over all aspects of religious life. In addition, the decree will allow the government to harass and illegally detain priests, members of religious orders and believers as the government continues to prevent the various faiths from having a normal religious life consistent with each faith’s precepts and belief.
- Whereas: At its 57th session, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (April 9 through 11, 2001 in Geneva, Switzerland) once again called attention to the Vietnamese Communists’ serious violations of human rights and religious freedom. In that international forum, the following conlusion was put forward: “Democracy blooms where religious freedom is respected; conversely, when there is no religious freedom, democracy withers or cannot take root”.
- Whereas: As long as the Communists rule Vietnam as dictators, there can be no religious freedom there.
Consequently, as representatives of the Vietnamese Interfaith Council and in coordination with the Overseas Vietnamese Interfaith Council, we request the United Nations, the governments of democratic countries, and human rights organizations all over the world:
1- To express your views and put maximum pressure on the Vietnamese Communists to stop immediately their campaign of arrests, torture, imprisonment, surveillance and restricting the movement of priests, members of religious orders, and believers of all faiths, and all the other prisoners of conscience.
2- To demand that the Vietnamese Communists disband quickly all their State-sponsored religious organizations that they set up to mislead the world, and revoke all regulations and laws intended to constrain religions.
3- To vigourously assist all the faiths in their demand for a return to normal religious life in Vietnam.
4- To take action in support of our call for unified action “Religious freedom or death” as discussed in the Ten-Point Declaration of November 24, 1994 and November 24, 2000; Nine Appeals issued between December 3, 2000 and February 26, 2001; and the February 13, 2001 Testimony to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom for the purpose of providing input to the U.S. Congress – by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý of Nguyệt Biều and An Truyền Parishes.
5- To take action in support of the ethnic groups residing in Vietnam’s highlands who have been demanding democracy, religious freedom and social justice.
6- To take action in support of the Statement on the Communists’ Policy towards Religion in Vietnam issued by the Vietnamese Interfaith Council on December 27-28, 2000.
7- To take action in support of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam’s Appeal on Eight Points of Democracy for Vietnam issued on February 21, 2001 by Most Reverend Thích Quảng Độ, Director of the Institute for the Propagation of the Faith of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam. The appeal represents more than the aspiration of several dozen million Vietnamese Buddhists; it is also the aspiration of all the other religions and all the 80 million citizens of Vietnam./.
April 30, 2001
For the Vietnamese Interfaith Council
Co-author: Council Secretary and Prisoner of Conscience Nguyễn Văn Lý (Signed)
An Truyền Parish Priest
Co-authors: Rev. Nguyễn Hữu Giải (signed) and Rev. Phan Văn Lợi (signed), Vietnamese Interfaith Council
26. May 4, 2000 – CITATION NO. 19 (High Priority)
ISSUED TO THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS FOR Infringing on a Bishop’s Rights
Socialist Republic of Vietnam
Lack of Independence – Loss of Liberty – No Happiness
On May 4, 2001, Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren, Ranking Member, Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight, U.S. House of Representatives, signed a letter inviting me to testify to the House of Representatives on May 16, 2001. On May 9, through Decision No. 961/QB-UB signed by Lê Viết Xê, Vice Chairman, People's Committee of Thừa Thiên-Huế, the Communists decreed that I “may not carry out priestly duties in An Truyền Parish and throughout the Province of Thừa Thiên-Huế”.
This is one of the clearest evidences that the Communist Government had usurped the Church’s authority as if the tyranny no longer needed to disguise its control of the dioceses.
This citation was prepared at 6 p.m. on May 10, 2001 and has been read to approximately 600 Catholics in An Truyền Parish.
Citation issued by Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Prisoner of Conscience and An Truyền Priest.
(Signed and Sealed)
27. May 16, 2001 - Testimony
Second Testimony By a Prisoner of Conscience, Reverend Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý to the United States House of Representatives
The Honorable Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives,
Honorable Zoe Lofgren, Ranking Member, Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight, U.S. House of Representatives,
Honorable Members of the U.S. House of Representatives,
On January 10, 2001, the Honorable Elliott Abrams, Chairman of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, requested my testimony on religious freedom in Vietnam and my views on a bilateral trade agreement with Vietnam. The American Embassy in Hà Nội only succeeded in delivering his invitation to me in the late afternoon of February 12, 2001. Nevertheless, I managed to submit to the Commission 8 pages of testimony that have been widely disseminated throughout the world.
Today I am elated that the House of Representatives asked for my testimony once more on the persecution of the Catholic Church by the totalitarian regime in Vietnam. I would like to present you with the following facts:
I. EVIDENCE OF COMMUNIST PERSECUTION OF VIETNAM’S CATHOLIC CHURCH, PAST AND PRESENT
The Vietnamese Communists have been persecuting, with the intention to destroy, the Vietnamese Catholic Church and the other religions, as accurately depicted in the Joint Declaration issued on April 30, 2001 by the Vietnamese Interfaith Council and the Overseas Vietnamese Interfaith Council. The Catholic Church has been painfully victimized and suffocated as detailed below:
- The Episcopal Conference of Vietnam (ECV) has been meeting in the summer once each year from 1980. The government required ECV to submit to the State Committee on Religion the draft agenda and list of attendees for that committee’s review before each conference is authorized. During the course of each annual conference, Church leaders must meet with the State Committee for Religious Affairs, the chief of state, prime minister, and even the secretary general of the Communist Party. At those meetings, Church leaders must engage in well-wishing and say words of thanks that are out of place in view of the obvious coercion by a group of brigands who have nearly choked us to death. After each conference, should ECV wish to submit a petition to the regime or issue a communiqué to the Church, the content must be approved by the regime before ECV can proceed. ECV may submit a request for the regime to respect our right to religious freedom only if the regime authorizes such submission. If one wants to confront the Vietnamese Communists on an issue, one must seek their permission for one to do so. They only allow organizations to “seek permission to confront the government” for international opinion’s sake while in fact they never intend to consider any of the petitions. Each Church, no matter how numerous her following, is reduced to waiting and waiting for a positive development initiated by the government
- When a delegation from the Vatican comes to Vietnam to discuss the Holy See’s nomination of a bishop, the Communists’ negotiating strategy is based on the fact that they will not accept any nomination other than their own choice. If the Holy See did not go along, they would sit on the Holy See’s nominations for decades until the Holy See accepts the regime’s nominees. In 1960 the Holy See nominated Msgr. Phạm Văn Dụ as Bishop of Lạng Sơn. In 1979, he and many residents had to flee from their parish when war broke out between China and Vietnam. Only then did the regime accept his nomination as bishop. In more recent times, the Vatican has been talking with the Vietnamese Government for over eight years, but its nominees for the dioceses of Hưng Hoá, Hải Phòng and Bùi Chu have yet to be approved.
- A bishop who wants to appoint a priest to a parish or assign duties to a priest must follow the procedures described below:
- If a Committee for Catholic Solidarity (a communist organ in disguise) had been established in a diocese, the bishop must request the committee to convey his intent to the regime
- Where the Communists have not been able to set up such a committee, the bishop or his representative must work with Public Security, specifically the Counter-Espionage Office of the Security Bureau, Public Security Ministry in Hà Nội. The Communists designated this unit of their Public Security Ministry to deal with the Church in the belief that all members of the clergy are spies to be monitored closely
- The bishop only appoints the priest with the regime’s approval, i.e. the regime indirectly imposes its choice. The stark fact is that the Communists appoint the priest and the bishop signs the appointment papers as a formality
Msgr. Nguyễn Như Thể, Archbishop of Huế, wanted to assign me to An Truyền Parish more than three years ago. However, the Communists did not approve. In late November 2000 I embarked on the last and most intense phase of my struggle for religious freedom, using the motto “Religious freedom or death” in Nguyệt Biểu. The government finally approved my nomination to An Truyền, hoping that my departure would make it easier for it to oppress Catholics in Nguyệt Biểu.
- The Communists gave themselves the power to shut down seminaries. Before 1975, Vietnam had 25 junior seminaries and 9 major seminaries. Now there are only 6 seminaries. The Church’s request for permission to open a seventh seminary in Xuân Lộc has not been approved. The government reserves the right to approve each seminary’s faculty and administrative staff. The curriculum must include the study of Socialism and Marxism/Leninism. New seminarians may enroll only every other year and their numbers are severely restricted. The applicant’s immediate family and other close relatives must not have been an employee of the former South Vietnamese Government. The would-be seminarians must be a resident of the diocese where the seminary is located. He is required to meet with public security officers many times during the extensive background check that is mandated for this process. The public security apparatus always advises the applicant to agree to perform activities assigned by that organization (should they approve his selection) after he enters the seminary. The government typically moves faster in allowing an applicant to attend a seminary once he agrees to collaborate with the public security officers. The end result of governmental restriction is exemplified by the situation in Xuân Lộc Diocese where approximately 300 college graduates wish to enroll at the seminary and the government allows only between 5 and 10 of them to enroll at each admission!
After a seminarian completes his studies, the bishop must submit his name for the government’s approval of his ordination. In some locations, Communist officials ask for bribes from the graduates’ families. In the Diocese of Huế, not a single priest was ordained in a 18-year period stretching from 1976 to 1994. The seminary had to close. From 1994 to 2000, only 12 priests were ordained whereas 25 had passed away between 1976 and 2000. Of the approximately 60 priests working in the diocese, at least 70% are over 60.
This is the Communists’ main strategy for gradually squeezing the life out of Vietnam’s Catholic Church, through attrition and lack of growth. The young men who are ready to serve as priests and monks in a diocese may not enroll in another diocese’s seminary. If the number of clergymen in a diocese is woefully inadequate, clergymen from another diocese may not be transferred to alleviate the shortage. To illustrate, Lạng Sơn Diocese has a bishop and a single priest over 90 years of age, and no religious order. Yet clergy in other dioceses may not be re-assigned to Lạng Sơn.
- The monasteries and convents have not been able to admit any new person. After 1975, every monk or nun has had to file papers showing their status as “temporarily absent” from their homes and “temporary resident” at the monastery or convent for “medical treatment” or “supplemental education”. They are not allowed to openly join a religious order. The monks and nuns’ status remains illegal as if they were criminals. The only crime that they committed was worshipping Jesus Christ instead of joining the Marxist-Leninist Order and worshipping Mr. Hồ Chí Minh.
- All Catholics are considered second class citizens (except Hồ Chí Minh worshippers). Catholics face discrimination: no Communist Party membership, no taking of the examination for public security jobs, no advancement when employed in government agencies, always identified as Catholic/Christian in government paperwork, and assumed to be misguided and unscientific. The people living in remote areas may not build a church and can only look forward to one or two Masses each year (sometimes none).
Tam Toà Parish in Quảng Bình has only 500 Catholics left. The government tore down their churches and seized the land. Rev. Lương Văn Thể served the parish from 1954 until his sudden death in 1962. Thereafter the parishioners have not been served by a priest to this day.
In Thừa Thiên Huế, Nam Đông with over 800 Catholics and A Lưới with over 500 Catholics have not been granted permission to erect their respective churches.
- After 1975, the Communists seized or forced the Catholic Church to “cede” thousands, if not tens of thousands, of large and midsize properties - virtually all of the Church’s schools, colleges, hospitals, orphanages, retirement homes, crop land, etc. and a number of seminaries, monasteries, convents, and even churches. Examples include:
a. In 1976, the Communists seized one of the largest seminaries in Southeast Asia, Saint Pius X Pontifical Seminary, a multi-hectare facility in Dalat (formely administered by Jesuits). The Communists also seized 2/3 of the 50-hectare lot where the Shrine of Our Lady of La Vang is situated.
b. In the Diocese of Huế:
- In December 1979, numerous public security officers participated in the forcible takeover of Junior Seminary Hoan Thiện, a 15,000 m2 property at 11 Đống Đa Street, Huế
- On August 15, 1975 the De La Salle Christian Brothers signed an agreement with the Communists to loan to the government Bình Linh School for 5 years. The 20,000 m2 facility is at 1 Lê Lợi Street, Huế. At the end of the loan term, the Order attempted to reclaim their school and has been trying ever since without success.
- In 1976, the Communists seized the Order of the Sacred Heart’s St Joseph School, a 1,500 m2 facility located at 24b Đoàn Hữu Trưng, Huế.
- In 1976, the Communists forced the Order of the Sacred Heart to cede their 40,000 m2 monastery at 119 Huyền Trân Công Chúa (old street name), Huế.
- On December 24, 1999, the Communists seized 320,000 m2 from Thiên An Monastery (near Huế) as part of their plan to build a 495,929 m2 recreation center. Construction started on March 27, 2001.
- Many thousand more cases could be listed. No monastery, convent or parish was spared the confiscation, at times violently implemented, of their schools, offices, housing facilities, hospitals and/or land.
Nguyệt Biểu, our small parish, was robbed of nearly 20,000 m2 of land and crop land after 1975. In early November 2000, approximately 200 Catholics started a campaign aimed at recovering 1,500 m2 of land adjoining the church that the Communists seized in 1977. 500 Communists from the public security agency and other governmental units used force to suppress the parishioners’ demonstration by punching, kicking, choking, and arresting several demonstrators. The people in Nguyệt Biểu are still demanding the return of their property.
- After 1975, the Church no longer has any studio for make educational films, radio station, and print shop, and no longer publishes magazines and newspapers. The Communists have monopolized all forms of communication. The weekly papers Catholicism and the People and Vietnamese Catholics are the Communist Party’s creations and sustained by the Party. The government allowed the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam to publish 3 issues of Consolidated News, then withdrew its permission for some time before allowing the 4th issue to be published in December 2000 (10 issues were published in total, including the first 6 “illegal” issues). There is not even a trace of freedom of speech in Vietnam. Although in 1982 Vietnam signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (established in 1966), the Communists have never abided by its Article 19 concerning freedom of expression.
- From 1975 on, the Church has not been allowed to establish a working group or committee of any kind, or hope that another political party play the part of opposition to the Vietnamese Communist Party, whose exclusive grip on power is justified in Article 4 of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Should someone mention the need for an opposition party or a multi-party system, the VCP would arrest or, at least, put him under surveillance with travel restrictions, cut his telephone and internet services, and forbid him to receive visitors. Article 22 concerning freedom of association is in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 that Vietnam’s Communist Government signed in 1982. However the Communists fear this article as if it were poison, never wanting the people to know that they are entitled to freedom of association. The vast majority of the people never suspect that they could, in principle, form associations and political parties.
- Most Venerable Huyền Quang, Most Venerable Quảng Độ, Mr. Lê Quang Liêm, Rev. Phan Văn Lợi and Rev. Nguyễn Hữu Giải have been put under tight surveillance and their movement restricted. As to me, signs saying “Restricted Area - No Trespassing” in both Vietnamese and English were placed by the side of the road leading to Phú An Village and by the side of the road leading to An Truyền Church. Those of us who are under surveillance may not venture out beyond such signs. Furthermore, Vietnamese citizens who try to approach us would be pushed back and subject to searches, beatings and arrests. Foreigners who try to approach us are turned back. In the evening of April 9, 2001, Norwegian Parliament Member Lars Rise visited me. The Communists quickly detained him, confiscated almost all of his notes and films, and expelled him from Vietnam.
II. A MOST INSIDIOUS APPROACH TO RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION: THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS USE SYSTEMATIC LIES TO ERODE RELIGIOUS CONSCIENCE AND SPIRITUAL VALUES - AS IN THEIR TREATMENT OF CATHOLICS
Nowadays each and every Vietnamese must lie, if not on a large scale then on a small scale, just to survive and be able to do what he/she must do. The Vietnamese Communists successfully instituted lying as an integral part of the people’s daily activities and, to a greater extent, the government’s activities. Under tremendous pressure, the Catholic Church and other religions had to adapt, thus losing their formerly pristine nature. This communist strategy aimed at undermining religions is most insidious and is intended to serve the Party’s objective of imposing the Hồ Chí Minh cult on everyone.
- In the school system: instead of reporting accurately each class’s performance, elementary school teachers must start lying about their students’ achievement beginning at the kindergarten level in order to be rated favorably by their supervisors. The teachers must deceive three-year olds and four-year olds when persuading them “love our great Uncle Hồ”. Catholic sisters who teach kindergarten must also play the game as they are required to inculcate love for Mr. Hồ through songs and stories, even when some of these teachers do not know that much about him or, conversely, know the full truth about this “most heartless and perfidious character who managed to deceive almost everyone on earth”.
The lying intensifies when a teacher must let all of her students advance to the next level. The system does not tolerate failure in Grades 1 through 5, forcing the students to be moved up regardless of their readiness to do so. At the district level, the people’s committees even direct the schools to falsely report that every student completes Grade 9, regardless how many children already quit school to engage in work such as herding cows and buffaloes, shining shoes, selling ice cream, etc. Thủy Biểu District, Huế, is a case in point.
The students who complete their studies usually land jobs based on bribing someone or having connections among Communist officials, rarely because their capabilities are superior.
- In health care: a patient should not expect good medical treatment unless he can pay extra or bribe someone.
- In commerce and daily life: the formula for success is to flatter and grease palms.
- In culture and politics: the massive propaganda machine of the government uses the various media not to tell the truth, but to laud the Communists. They stop at nothing to achieve their aim: paying someone to give a fraudulent testimony; paying someone to pose as a believer and make false accusations to bring down a religious figure; paying someone to forge documents that can be used as evidence against the opposition; paying women and telling them to seduce priests, etc. Employees of State-run firms must copy material praising the Communist Party and sign their names to give the impression of spontaneous appreciation, although the words used by all the workers are identical. Those who refuse to play along risk being fired. Some firms found this to be so laughable that they temporarily stopped this practice.
The government keeps several loudspeakers in each district and village, and turns them on at full volume in the early morning (4 to 5 a.m), and the early evening (4 to 5 p.m.) to broadcast messages that are full of lies, year in year out. Should a church or temple disagree, the Communists would aim their loudspeakers at that place of worship during the most critical hours of worship. In An Truyền, my parishioners are victimized by three such loudspeakers.
Elections held to choose people's committees at various levels and members of the National Congress are a ploy to show that democracy exists because the people are forced to vote for candidates already selected by the Party. Whoever refuses to vote would court trouble when he needs something from the government such as applying for a birth certificate for his infant. When the Communists designate a religious figure as a candidate in an election, that priest or monk can expect to receive at least 90% of the votes because the Party needs to show that Catholics also participate and support the system. Never mind that the elected priests or monks are expected to be silent figureheads. Cardinal Joseph Maria Trịnh Như Khuê (deceased), Archbishop of Hà Nội from 1954 to 1975, refused to vote in sham elections. In retribution, the Communists restricted his movement to the Diocesian compound. Only in August 1975 was he allowed to travel to Rome for his elevation to Cardinal.
- Public administration: official paperwork is complicated and requires flattering, superfluous phrases. On forms to be submitted to agencies, every citizen must write sentences prescribed by the system in order to have his request processed. Otherwise officials would return his application.
In nearly 50 years of communist rule, I am probably the first Vietnamese to cross out the words “Independence – Liberty – Happiness”, the prescribed heading on each official form, and replace those with “Lack of Independence – Loss of Liberty – No Happiness”. Some students followed my example by not starting their forms with the obligatory heading. Although their school threatened them with expulsion, school officials have not carried out the threat, probably to avoid protests. The students may not be allowed to graduate, though.
In 1953, when I was six, I learned a poem about World Communism that applies even better to the current Vietnamese Communists:
Communists Are Liars
They lie to Heaven and Earth, non stop.
They lie on paper, without pausing.
They lie from Europe to Asia.
In spring, summer, fall and winter,
They lie, hoping to trick dumb folks.
They never run out of lies.
Thank you for listening and good bye.
Prisoner of Conscience Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
An Truyền Parish Priest
Secretary, Vietnamese Interfaith Council
Advisor, Committee for Religious Freedom in Vietnam (Washington, DC)
May 7, 2001
28. August 28, 2001 – Statement
Second Request To the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam
Dear Bishops and Archbishops,
The Episcopal Conference of Vietnam is about to hold its annual meeting, one that Catholics in Vietnam and abroad deem important, as we are on the cusp of a new millenium and a new century. Furthermore, momentous events are taking place in our country, notably in the sphere of our struggle for religious freedom, human rights and democracy.
In response to your request for input from all the believers, we, Rev. Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý and Peter Phan Văn Lợi, from the Archdiocese of Huế, respectfully offer two sets of suggestions:
I- The Episcopal Conference uses your rights as the Church, as bishops, and as human beings whose basic rights were the Lord’s gifts, to
a- Stop asking the secular government to approve your plans for the meeting, including location, dates. duration and attendees. If they insist, a notification should do.
b- Stop submitting the agenda to the secular government for its review.
c- Stop allowing the secular government to review decisions (e.g., establishing committees) and documents (e.g., declaration addressed to the government, letter to the faithful) that the Episcopal Conference may generate at the conclusion of the meeting.
d- Stop submitting individual requests for permission to travel abroad for attending the Synod of Bishops and start submitting a collective request for each of these international conferences. All the bishops invited by the Holy See should be able to go, or none at all. Each citizen is entitled to the right to travel, for it is not a favor to be granted by the government.
If the government used its power to block you from doing your rightful duties and the mission of this Church, even when you may not meet in the open, such actions would speak loudly of your determination to honor the truth and uphold the Church’s shining light under adversity.
II. To enable the Vietnamese Catholic Church to implement the renewal called for in the Jubilee Year that just ended, carry out her “salt, yeast, light” mission in our country, and step into the 21st century at the same pace as the people, aside from issuing the customary report on the Church’s affairs, we implore you to consider the dismal situation of our people, invoke your status as Church Leaders and Bishops, and demand that the government respect the rights that God gave all human beings and believers. As the embodiment of Jesus the Chief Shepherd, the One who came to “testify to the truth”, “lay down his life for the sheep so that the sheep will live”, you would “live the Gospel” among the people as you taught us over twenty years ago in the Episcopal Conference’s Unity Letter of 1980.
a- The Vietnamese people is victimized by a dictatorship that intends to control one's thought, as evidenced in Article 4 of the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The government’s guiding doctrine, atheistic and materialistic Marxism, has blocked out all truth, including spiritual and sacred values as taught by various religions. As a result, our society is experiencing decay, corruption, crimes, deceit, and lies, especially in the public sector where many lead a selfish life and are concerned chiefly about pleasure. Our youth cannot find worthy ideals. Human life is valued less and less, causing a large increase in the number of abortions and death sentences.
Please demand the government to restore to the traditional Churches their freedom to print and distribute religious material, open seminaries and institutes, recruit and admit seminarians, ordain clergy and assign duties to clergy. This boils down to the abolishment of Article 4 of the Constitution, Decree No. 26/CP, and all regulations and procedures aimed at imposing State control over religion or stripping religion of its essence and meaning.
b- The Vietnamese people are victimized by a dictatorship that monopolizes political power. The Communist Party reserves for its members all the important government positions. Promotion is based more on (at times is based exclusively on) loyalty to the party than ability and character. Consequently one sees injustice, corruption, oppression, and malfeasance. Whenever a citizen must deal with the government, he must suffer unjust demands and incomprehensible red tape – the norm these days. Talent and character are not appreciated or rewarded. People who offer frank and constructive suggestions that are not compatible with the government’s views are ignored or harassed.
Please demand that the government let qualified people join the government and contribute to policy formulation. Such participation requires fair elections and equal opportunities for all, regardless of religious affiliation, political views or ethnic background. Please demand the right to decry injustice, expose crimes, express one's views, be heard, and play a role in the development of our Nation.
c- The Vietnamese people is victimized by a dictatorship that monopolizes education. The formation of future citizens and essential personnel is being severely compromised because the Communist Party has banned the teaching and appreciation of human values and intrinsic goodness of individuals as well as social justice. Worse, the people are being transformed by a system built on lies and deceit so that they also lie in order to survive or earn some privileges in an economy shaped by Communism. The national budget for education is much smaller than the defense budget. The Churches are prevented from opening schools, thus denying choice to the parents of students. Students are being corrupted by such things as unhealthy materialism, drug abuse, pre-marital sex, and rampant abortions. Then there is pressure on parents to pay their children’s teachers for tutoring outside of the classroom if they want their children to pass and get promoted. This is another financial burden on the parents and another corrupting element for educators.
Please demand the government to give the highest priority to education; to let religious organizations, whose experience with education spanned many generations, freely open schools and dormitories from the elementary school level to university level; to allow religion to be taught in such schools so that young people develop a world view that is decent and based on ethics; and to delete unfounded criticism and lies about religion that proliferate in textbooks.
d- The Vietnamese people are victimized by a dictatorship that monopolizes the media. Radio, television, filmmaking and the press are currently the Communist Party and the government’s instruments. The people hear only the official side of any story, frequently embellished or exaggerated, or filled with baseless insults directed at the government’s opponents. Because the people have been denied truthful and correct information, they have not been able to develop to the limit of their potential. This has had a deleterious effect on the country's development. Furthermore, the public security apparatus monitors and controls the activities of the people and organizations, especially religious organizations, through their monopoly.
Therefore, please demand that the Churches have the right to own printing and reproduction facilities, disseminate their newspapers and other publications, establish radio stations and other communication facilities. Alternatively, the government should at least designate time slots for the Churches’ use of public radio and television (after all, citizens pay taxes used to finance government-owned radio and television). Please condemn the government’s firewall and other controls of internet access to the Churches’ websites, a gross violation of privacy and religious rights. As a first step, please bypass the government when you issue the Episcopal Conference’s Unity newsletter.
e- The Vietnamese people are victimized by a dictatorship that monopolizes justice. Whereas in developed countries, three independent branches of government ensure check and balance, in Vietnam the Communist Party controls all three branches - legislative, executive and judiciary. Injustice is rampant as authorities ignore laws or interpret them as they see fit. Innumerable individuals and families have been ruined by arbitrary detention and sentencing. For example, the government detained Cardinal Francis Nguyễn Văn Thuận during thirteen years without cause; arrested or killed many priests, monks, nuns, and believers; or seized Church property all over the country.
Please tell the public about the regime’s victims such as Deacon Marcel Văn, Archbishop Nguyễn Kim Điền, Rev. Nguyễn Văn Vinh, Rev. Bùi Quang Tịch, and Rev. Nguyễn Thế Thuấn, among many others. Please demand justice for the victims and the abolition of Decree No. 31/CP that authorizes the authorities to restrict the movement of citizens without due process. The decree is unconstitutional, wrong, unconscionable and without parallel in the world.
Dear Cardinal, Archbishops and Bishops,
We must not allow a secular authority to usurp the Lord’s prerogatives because we are God’s children who must stand up for our rights like our national heroes and martyrs. Throughout history, prophets and Christians have stood up for justice and truth. We must follow in their footsteps.
We identify strongly with Pope John Paul II’s statement (when he was still a bishop): “I am not a politician. I only talk about the Good News. However, if working for justice, human dignity, and human rights is defined as politics, ...” Likewise, we identify strongly with Archbishop Philip Nguyễn Kim Điền’s statement made at the 1971 assembly of the Synod of Bishops: “Many bishops, priests, monks and believers chose to die for their faith. How many of us are willing to lay down our lives for human rights?”
Catholics and many other Vietnamese view the Episcopal Conference as a spiritual power, a prestigious religious organization and an influential voice. Please do not disappoint them. We vow to stand behind you and endure all hardships in the struggle for human rights and the right to serve God.
Please accept our deepest respect. May the Holy Spirit always fill your hearts.
Huế, August 28, 2001
Saint Augustine's Day
Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải - Peter Phan Văn Lợi
Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
Notes:
1. The original text was: * agonizing over the Vietnamese Catholic Church’s situation, a most abnormal state of affairs caused by a most unjust regime; * despondency resulting from the complete loss of liberty as a human being and Christian; * in empathy with the suffering of Christians and all elements of the Vietnamese people under the crushing weight of Communist dictatorship; * in the ardent wish on the part of the Vietnamese people, including the Christian community, to hear the Vietnamese Catholic Church speak out.
2. Although this document was finalized on August 28, after Rev. Ly’s arrest, he and the two co-authors had discussed at length its content and emphasis. Therefore the document fully reflects Rev. Lý’ s views.
3. Far from daring to be condescending towards our superiors in the Church, we merely present our views for their consideration. He who accuses us of condescension is only trying to sow discord within the Church.
4. We do not seek to oppose our Church leaders (deny that Church hierarchy is necessary like some dissenting groups). Motivated by our love for the Church and truth, we only try to present our views like grown-ups who are candid in discussions with their parents.
29. August 10, 2005 - Letter
Protest and Support Letter
- The President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
- The Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
- The Chairman of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam
- The Mennonite and Traditional Hòa Hảo Buddhist Churches.
- Vietnamese people in Vietnam and Overseas, and all people of good will.
From the news carried by various media, in particular the July 19, 2005 press release by the Mennonite Church of Vietnam, and News Releases No. 933-936 of August 4 and 5, Letter of August 5, 2005 and Announcemnt No. 115 of August 6, 2005 of the Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church, we, Catholic priests Chân Tín, Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Nguyễn Văn Lý and Phan Văn Lợi declare the following:
1- We strongly condemn the authorities in the Second District of Hồ Chí Minh City for their unjust, wanton destruction of the house of worship of the Mennonite Church and residence of Pastor Nguyễn Hồng Quang located in Bình Khánh, Second District, Hồ Chí Minh City, on July 19. 2005, after holding Mrs. Nguyễn Hồng Quang and expelling the Protestant faithful. Both before and after the incident, the local authorities constantly attempted to deny the faithful access to their facility.
2- We strongly condemn the beatings and arrests of many Hoà Hảo Buddhists by hundreds of public security officers in the Provinces of An Giang and Đồng Tháp from August 4, 2005 to date, after many years of harassment and intimidation aimed at interfering with their religious activities. The government’s ruthless oppression caused severe injuries to seven members of the Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church who are in the public security’s custody, with Priest Nguyễn Văn Điền, Mrs. Nguyễn Thị Hà, Mrs. Mai Thị Dung, and Mr. Nguyễn Thanh Phong (aka Trần Thanh Phong) in critical conditions. Several Hòa Hảo Buddhists immolated themselves to protest the infringement on religious freedom, including Priest Trần Văn Út and Home Practitioner Võ Văn Bửu who performed the act on August 5, 2005, leading to Priest Trần Văn Út’s tragic death on the same day.
3- We point to the government’s policy, as evidenced in the Decree on Religious Affairs, as the root cause of this violent repression and mistreatment. In formulating its policy towards religion, the government claimed the prerogative to recognize and sanction religious organizations that submit themselves to its control. The government established a number of State-sponsored Churches, or entities within a number of existing Churches while violently attacking those that want to retain the right to remain independent in the spirit of the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of December 12, 1966 (Vietnam joined the UN on September 24, 1982 but disregarded the Covenant).
4- We hold the one-party dictatorship of Vietnam’s Communists responsible for all the repressive activities with the objective of turning Churches into the government’s instruments, enslaving Church members, and degrading religion by forcing all to blindly follow the discredited Marxist-Leninist path. The Communist Party disregards the spirit of the law, religious conscience, and fundamental rights recognised by the world community. The outcome is the Vietnamese society being mired in crimes, economic backwardness, and moral bankruptcy. The most shameful consequence is the Party’s tranformation of the country into a gigantic training center for deceit and lies of the most brazen kind through the Party’s policy and world view.
5- We pay tribute to the noble sacrifices on behalf of faith and nation of Priest Trần Văn Út, Home Practitioner Võ Văn Bửu, Mrs. Nguyễn Thị Hà, Mrs. Mai Thị Dung, and Mr. Nguyễn Thanh Phong, and many others; and the brave and resolute actions of Pastor Nguyễn Hồng Quang and Religious Leader Lê Quang Liêm and their co-religionists. Their noble suffering not only celebrates the power of faith, but also exposes the true nature of the Communist regime in Vietnam.
6- We strongly support the non-violent struggle of the Mennonite Church and Traditional Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church for freedom to conduct religious activities without interference and for regaining the basic human rights that all the Vietnamese ought to have, including the right to live under a multi-party and democratic system that respects human dignity and spiritual values.
7- We urge all the Churches, national governments, and organizations in the world, the Vietnamese people in Vietnam and elsewhere, and especially the religious leaders of all the faiths to support the Mennonite and Traditioal Hòa Hảo Buddhist Churches, and to pressure the Communist government to end religious persecution and its policy of subordinating the Churches.
May God, through the intercession of the Vietnamese Martyrs, sustain your Churches’ strength and help Vietnam’s government see the light.
Huế, August 10, 2005
Rev. Chân Tín, Rev. Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý and Rev. Phan Văn Lợi.
30. August 24, 2005 – Advice
How To Overcome Fear?
I. Common causes of fear:
* Not knowing God or denying God, Buddha or another Spiritual Guide, and resulting lack
of moral foundation.
* Not feeling the love and protection of God, Buddha or another Spiritual Guide.
* After doing something wrong that results in remorse or the need to hide one’s action.
* Facing life’s mysteries, especially tragic death.
* Facing a threat that one considers overpowering.
* Facing a threat about which one does not have a good understanding.
* Facing difficulties and disasters that will shortly befall loved ones.
* Being confronted by forces that threaten one’s safety, life and honor.
* Uncertainty about one’s position and privileges.
II. Causes of fear under the rule of fascists, communists, and other dictatorships:
Aside from the common causes of fear, the Vietnamese Communists’ rule have the following characteristics that one must know if one wants to overcome fear:
* The government monitors closely the people, and harasses and detains anybody it chooses
to, at any time.
* A body of citizens that has been prevented from developing unbiased judgment is highly
susceptible to the Communists’ propaganda. The government can quickly deceive the
people with a few tricks and falsehoods.
* A body of citizens that has been conditioned by deceit, shameless conduct and lack of
integrity.
* A body of citizens that has been conditioned to “accuse, criticize and prosecute” its own
members once the government has decided to label the latter “the people’s enemies”.
* A government that constantly threatens and punishes its citizens, forces them to
“energetically and enthusiastically” applaud the government all the time in a shameless
manner while forcing the people to be overly dependent through strict control and arbitrary
denial of household registration, house and land deeds, service by government-owned
utilities, award of college degrees even after all requirements have been met, etc.
* A government that advertises itself as “for the People, of the People and by the People”
while demanding its citizens to “be grateful to Uncle Hồ and the Party” until each person’s
last breath.
* A judiciary that is not based on any principle, that accuses citizens of “spying, endangering
national security, damaging solidarity, abusing democracy, opposing official policy, etc.”
without basis and facts, at the whim of the regime. In other nations, laws were established to
protect citizens’ rights from potential abuse by the authoritieswhereas the Vietnamese
Communists established laws to restrict citizens’ rights for the protection of the Party and
its governing apparatus”.
* Cowardly mistreatment of an accused person’s relatives across generations based on the
regime’s overblown distrust of anybody suspected of not having an “appropriate
background”.
III. In order to overcome fear in general:
III.1. The most important prerequisite is a clear soul. One should recognize that one needs the Creator to help one in this life. The Creator can only help a soul filled with respect and adoration. If one wants to be in communion with the Omnipotent, one’s soul must be as clear as possible. When the soul is clear, one will feel powerful support from high above that allows one to be indifferent to any threat. Conversely, a guilty soul is always fearful, even fearful of a child who may divulge one’s misdeeds.
III.2. For the soul to be clear, one needs to find time for meditation, prayer and quieting down. A true fighter for democracy must devote at least 30–60 minutes daily to quieting down, meditation and prayer. One sits erect, closes one’s eyes, and breathes rhythmically while inhaling and exhaling slowly and deeply. One focuses the mind on the Creator that one trusts and loves while conversing with Him. Whether He is known as God, the Supreme King, or Buddha, the typical faithful looks up to the same Omnipotent. Meditation and prayer will help one overcome any fear.
III.3. Never hate or bear a grudge: Let us not approve of criminal activities or condemn the person who commits these. On the contrary, we should pray for the people who carry out such acts, especially those who must do so to survive under the dictatorship. A heart filled with love is strong indeed. Saint John asserted near the end of the first century: “Perfect love drives out fear” (New Testament, 1st John 4,18). Hatred and resentment weaken us whereas we can be strongest when we show love and mercy, feel empathy, behave with civility, endure wrongs, and forgive easily.
III.4. Do not desire wordly rewards: True worth and happiness are a product of a virtuous life and service to others. Therefore we should not desire unnecessary things, things that we can do without. When it comcs to rewards and privileges whose price is our dignity and honor, we must always ignore those, instead of behaving like a toddler who begs for sweets. To achieve the state of having no fear, we must avoid the state of being desirous (of wordly things and privileges).
IV. To overcome the fear caused by the Vietnamese Communists:
One should see clearly the following:
IV.1. No evil force has true strength because by its nature, evil is only outwardly powerful. The employees of the evil rulers know that they rely on an ephemeral power based on intimidation, not on respect, admiration and love on the people's part. When confronted by the people, the tyrants are unsure and fearful, and must resort to threats, insults, libeling, and physical violence. After 75 years of deceit, the tyrants are that much weaker. We should remain calm and clear-headed, non-violent yet determined, and civil yet resolute in order to overcome fear and gain the admiration of the tyrants’ employees.
IV.2. Let us not falsely claim that we must do something for the sake of our loved ones. A Catholic priest from a parish with 5,000 believers was offered the opportunity to add his signature to a document protesting the government’s seizure of land belonging to the Order of Heavenly Peace in the City of Huế. The priest refused, saying: “I cannot sign this because of the well-being of 5,000 parishioners”. His parishioners were deeply disappointed because if their priest had signed, there would have been 5,000 additional voices supporting the Order of Heavenly Peace. No student from his parish would have been prevented from attending classes if the priest had signed! The same priest said to the Vietnamese press that “there is so much religious freedom in my parish, for example…” It is sad that this kind of reasoning is being used so frequently in Vietnam. Our loved ones do need security, food and schooling. However, our loved ones need our standing up for what is right for them and us more than anything else. It is our responsibility to help our loved ones see this if they have not been awakened. Actually the common people can tell right from wrong pretty quickly compared to someone who has obtained some kind of position and privileges. If we asked a 10th grader: “Do you prefer that your father grovel to curry someone's favor so that you can attend school or that he behave in a manly way at the risk of you not being allowed to attend school?” It is likely that most youngsters will choose the second alternative! It is sad that many parents are likely to choose the first alternative. We should heed the conscience of those who are the purest among us, including children.
IV.3. If enough of us struggle for the same thing, the tyrants will not be able to stop us. The government keeps saying “for the People, of the People and by the People”. Therefore we should make use of their motto in uniting to safeguard our basic rights. We should be familiar with some basic concepts in the Constitution of 1992, the Criminal Code of 1995, and other codes so that we can resist the government employees by saying: “A citizen may do all that the law does not prohibit and the government may not do anything not sacntioned by the law”, including such acts as beating, searching or touching anything owned by a citizen without a warrant, etc. With respect to something that the government forces us to do and we find objectionable (e.g., cast our votes in fraudulent elections), if everyone who lives in a hamlet, block, parish, village, etc., refused to comply, the government (“for the People”) would not be able to make us do anything. For example, a boycott by most people, especially the most prominent citizens, of the upcoming elections for the National Assembly in 2007, would make this long running fraud (11 rigged elections over the past 60 years) look more like a farce.
IV.4. When there is a confrontation, government employees will feel fear, get tired and lose patience quickly, if the people realized that they have the greater strength associated with a just cause. Government employees want to be promoted, yet do not relish being on the side of a tyranny. They want to be home with their loved ones and only reluctantly play the part of oppressors while on duty. They scream and act tough, but are nervous inside. If they harass us and detain us at a police station, we can always remain calm, civil and willing to pay the price of a non-violent resister (simply by quieting down, meditating and praying without feeling the urge to be released quickly), those who arrested us would feel tired and simply attempt to intimidate us for a while before letting us go, not knowing what else to do. (Please read How to Behave When Under Arrest and How to Prevail over an Opponent).
IV.5. The Vietnamese Communists were not as formidable as many of us had been led to believe. From 2005 on, particularly after August 2005, they have been much less formidable:
– They feel pressure from six directions, plus pressure from the Churches and their faithful, making it pressure from seven directions (see Near-Term Prospects for Vietnam – by this writer, August 8, 2005).
– A regime that survives only through intimidation can never be strong.
– Most government employees no longer believe in Communism/Socialism.
– Most government employees no longer believe in their leaders.
– Most government employees no longer care about maintaining the government’s power.
– Most government employees no longer “enthusiastically carry out duties assigned by the
Party and the People” after realizing that they had been duped for so long.
– Most government employees see the contradictions between the Constitution and the
implementation of justice. Consequently they no longer have self-confidence when carrying
out their duties.
– Most government employees are now focused on personal gains such as opportunities
arising during the privatization of public corporations, knowing that the regime will not last
much longer.
– Most government employees feel shame because their privileges smack of injustice.
– A number of government employees no longer dare to be as forceful towards citizens as in
the old days.
– A number of employees want to preserve good will in the event that the regime crumbles in
the not too distant future.
– A government that caused its citizens to self-immolate in protest (Hoà Hảo Buddhists)
cannot survive much longer because it has revealed its despicable nature.
Therefore, if citizens can argue for their causes, the government employees will not be able to respond and will have to go away.
IV.6. The Vietnamese people does not enjoy freedom of expression like citizens in most other countries in accordance with the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of December 16, 1966 (Vietnam joined the UN on September 24, 1982, but disregards the covenant). Therefore we should know how to react when a Communist objects to our reading certain newspaper, book, or document that discusses a topic similar to this document:
1/- We politely ask the government employee: “Are we living in a civilized country?” The expected answer is naturally: “Of course”. - “Then Vietnam must be guided by Articles 19.2 of the UN International Covenant” (see the addendum).
2/- If the government employee maintains that we “Violated the law of Vietnam”, we should respond calmly: “We only want to discuss with the employee of a civilized country’s government. If this government is a dictatorship, we have nothing else to say. Please carry out your unconscionable task”. No need of lengthy discourse.
IV.7. In spite of the arbitrary nature of the judiciary in Vietnam, considering that Vietnam is a member of the UN and is bound to observe the UN Covenant, the government has no justification for arresting people who study and communicate human rights issues, and peacefully demand freedom. Even after the government arrests someone, it is not good for them to try the person publicly. They must resort to secret court sessions as they have been doing these past few years. We should not be afraid of such secret, dishonest trials. Simply by remaing silent when the “court” is in session, we would cause the government to feel cowed and lose face. We need not say anything. If all of us join the struggle for the freedom of expression that is rightfully ours, the government can only resort to their traditional means of suppression such as disconnect phone service, revoke household registration, delay the award of college degrees, hamper business, interfere with movement, etc.). Once we overcome our fear of such measures, we will see that they are mere inconveniences relative to the mission aimed at freeing all our people from this modern day enslavement. It is a given that if we do not fear the oppressor, the oppressor will fear us, especially in this last phase of our struggle!
IV.8. Renounce all aspects of violence: When someone resorts to violence, it is a sign of weakness. The power of guns is no match for the power of the heart and conscience. Violence begets only short-term fear whereas love, justice and patience beget true strength. We should not use abusive language if we want to convince others. The great Mahatma Mohandas K. Gandhi said something that we should heed: “When I criticize an opponent, I only bring up 80% of what they do wrong. In case my emotions make me exaggerate a little, I would still remain truthful and fair to my opponent”. In early 2001, this author said twice to the U.S. Congress: “To find a solution for Vietnam, we must objectively evaluate Mr. Hồ Chí Minh, a most heartless and perfidious character who managed to deceive almost everyone on earth.” The statement was not made in a belligerant tone. This is an example of non-violent resistance.
IV.9. Always seek to convince the opponent: Criticizing an opponent without being able to convince him that we are right implies that our criticism is not yet objective and logical. Among the citizens that we want to set free, we must deal with a not insignificant group of people that are currently our opponents, but still our countrymen and some day our allies. Therefore, although we are now the object of intimidation and accusations, we must continue to have faith in justice and reason so that we can try to bring the opponents to our cause, as quickly and as often as possible. We must show love and mercy, feel empathy, behave with civility, endure wrongs, and forgive easily in order to succeed. Hatred and revenge have no place.
May you be always kind, at peace, and free from fear.
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý
69 Phan Đình Phùng, Huế
31. August 30, 2005 -Letter
Protest, Discussion and Support Letter
- The Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam,
- The People’s Committees of the Provinces of Bình Phước, Long An và Quảng Ngãi,
- The People’s Committees of Khánh Hòa Province and Nha Trang City,
- The People’s Committee of Sơn Thượng Village, Sơn Hà District, Quảng Ngãi,
- The Buddhist Church Leader’s Institute, Institute for the Propagation of the Faith, and
Representatives of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam,
- The Central Governing Committee of the Traditional Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church,
- The Leaders of the Protestant Churches in Vietnam,
- The Reverend representing the Order of Saint Joseph and Brothers of the Order of Saint
Joseph in Nha Trang,
- The Protestants in the Provinces of Quảng Ngãi, Bình Phước, Long An, and Tây Nguyên,
- The Catholics in the Parishes of Khiết Tâm, Thánh Gia, and Ba Làng, Diocese of Nha
Trang,
Dear Officials of the Government of Vietnam,
Dear Leaders, Elders and Faithful of the Various Churches,
Dear Catholic Priests, Monks, Nuns and Faithful,
We learned that in recent months the Vietnamese Government is conducting a coordinated, violent assault on the Churches, resulting in many casualties, in particular a number of priests, home practitioners and believers in the Traditional Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church had to immolate themselves on August 5, 2005 in protest. The government arrested dozens of Hoà Hảo Buddhists in An Giang using trumped up charges; razed and burnt the homes of Protestants in Quảng Ngãi in an attempt to make them renounce their faith; arrersted hundreds of Protestants in Long An and the Tây Nguyên; destroyed the Mennonite Church’s house of worship in Saigon; isolated the Director of the Buddhist Institute for the Propagation of the Faith; prevented a Buddhist delegation from Thừa Thiên Huế from visiting the Most Venerable Church Leader in Bình Định; encircled several temples of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam; seized land and damaged facilities of the Order of Saint Joseph in Nha Trang; while restricting the movement of many religious leaders.
We, a number of Catholic priests in Vietnam, felt that we must express the following:
1. The Vietnamese Government attempted to convince the international community of its good record on human rights through the “White Paper on Human Rights – Achievements of Vietnam’s Program to Protect and Enhance Human Rights” dated August 18, 2005. Ironically, the government’s recent, brutal actions totally contradicted that document, to the horror of the citizens of Vietnam and the world. We must regretfully affirm once again that the Vietnamese Government is still engaged in deception while ruthlessly persecuting its people, revealing its perfidity and cruelty. This old subterfuge is nothing more than a grave provocation of the international and domestic communities, and a challenge to the human conscience, similar to that government’s record over the past ninety years.
2. Following the collapse of Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the gradual resurgence of those countries was made possible partly through the contribution of the Churches. Instead of learning from history and reversing its antagonistic policy towards religion, the continuing brutality shows that the Vietnamese Government still believes that all the Churches must be subjugated and destroyed as advocated by Marx, Lenin and Hồ Chí Minh. “Erasing the religions’ influence is an urgent task of the Working Class” is the wording found in the textbook on Scientific Socialism published by the government. Can such a philosophy be compatible with normal human conscience and is it conducive to bringing happiness to the Vietnamese people? How much longer does the government keep deluding itself that it could turn the Churches into obedient instruments and coerce dozens of millions of their faithful? Once more, we affirm that the Churches continue to discuss this issue peacefully but are far from cowed into submission!
3- We are firmly behind Bishop Paul Nguyễn Văn Hòa of Nha Trang, President of the Episcopal Conference of Vietnam, when he announced on August 23, 2004 at the Conference of Asian Bishops in Korea: “In spite of the statement on Religious Freedom in Vietnam’s Constitution, the Vietnamese Government continues its policy of systematically compromising and sabotaging all organized religions throughout Vietnam”. His statement was both highly perceptive and courageous.
4- We are both anguished and resolute in identifying with the valiant struggle on the part of the Traditional Hoà Hảo Buddhist Church to preserve her independence with respect to internal organization and regain the freedom to carry out her religious activities through enduring hardship and death, firm solidarity, and non-violent resistance to the Communist tyranny that works hard to persecute and insult the Church. The human torches (self immolation) are eternal symbols of conscience and bravery.
5- We feel deep pain and anger when learning of the government’s wanton destruction and burning of several Protestant believers’ homes in Sơn Thượng Village, Sơn Hà District, Quảng Ngãi; the arrest, beatings, and in some cases, confinement to an asylum for the insane, of hundreds of pastors and believers of the Protestant Church of South Vietnam in Bình Phước, Long An, and Tây Nguyên; the destruction of the house of worship of the Mennonite Church in Saigon; and the severe restrictions placed on Protestant students in Hà Nội.
6- We fully empathize with Most Venerable Huyền Quang, Most Venerable Quảng Độ, the monks and nuns of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, especially the Representatives of the Unified Buddhist Church in Bình Định and Thừa Thiên, as they are isolated and mistreated by the government, and all the indignities suffered during the past 30 years, and particulary from early 2005 until now.
7- We fully support the legitimate demand made by the Bishop of Nha Trang and the firm statement issued by the Priest representing the Order of Saint Joseph when the government seized the lots at No. 16, Phước Long Street, and No. 10, Võ Thị Sáu Street, Nha Trang, both belonging to the Order. We decry the illegal land seizure and illogical arguments put forth by the People's Committee of Khánh Hòa Province. We applaud the entire Order’s act of defending its property, including displaying banners that denounce the banditry and violation of human rights and religious freedom from August 15, 2005 until today, August 30, 2005.
8- We admire the faithful from several parishes in the Diocese of Nha Trang, particularly the Parishes of Khiết Tâm, Thánh Gia, and Ba Làng, when they assisted the monks in opposing the government’s land seizure and in disregarding the Chairman of Phước Long’s threat of “shooting demonstrators”. We ardently wish that the faithful continue to stand behind the monks in their non-violent, determined act of defending justice and reclaiming the Church’s rights. This is the first step in removing the shackles of fear that the Communists forced our people to wear over the past fifty years, and in neutralizing the Communists’ policy of subjugating religion and beating the people into servitude.
9- We condemn in strongest terms the People's Committee of the City of Nha Trang when it issued a statement on August 18, 2005 to justify its illegal actions (“Convening a public meeting to announce the plan for a secondary school on Võ Thị Sáu Street”) and intimidate citizens (“Forbid individuals from gathering, carrying unauthorized banners, and causing disorder. Transgressors shall be punished in accordance with the law”). The government cannot base its decision on “the end justifies the means” when it seizes private property for the purpose of building a facility public use. A peaceful demonstration must not be considered an illegal and disorderly activity. The government’s disregard for justice, oppression of citizens, and robbing the Churches are the only illegal acts committed and the root cause of disorder.
10- We call on all Vietnamese in Vietnam and overseas, all the believers of all the Churches in Vietnam and overseas, and the world’s national governments and international organizations, to raise your collective voices and actively support this intense phase of the struggle for human rights and religious freedom being conducted by the Churches in Vietnam so that the Vietnamese people will soon enjoy true democracy and freedom.
May the Lord, Perfect Love and Truth, help the leaders of the Vietnamese Government see the path to bring prosperity and happiness to the Vietnamese people; stop these leaders’ reliance on foreign doctrines that the world had endured for such a long time; and abandon those doctrines for they had brought suffering and misery to millions over the past 60 years. May the Lord help the government leaders awaken and follow the proven formula used in advanced countries with minimal modifications to meet Vietnam’s conditions. A nation should not have to wait forever until the Communist Government deigns to grant justice, democracy, truth and liberty. Have all our men been robbed of their courage and energy?
May the Holy Ghost, the God full of empathy and strength, look upon the leaders, elders, and faithful of the other Churches, the priests and monks of the Order of Saint Joseph, the Catholic faithful in Nha Trang, and all the Christians in Vietnam and elsewhere.
With respect and solidarity,
Rev. Stephen Chân Tín, Rev. Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải,
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Rev. Peter Phan Văn Lợi.
32. November 22, 2005 – Statement
Boycotting the 2007 Single-Party Election Will be a lethal blow to the totalitarian Communist regime in Vietnam
1/- The Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) organizes sham single-party elections to elect the National Assembly and People’s Commissions in which candidates hand-picked by the VCP are bound to be elected. The elections serve to legitimize the VCP’s monopoly of power over the Vietnamese people. If the people continued to go to the polls under the VCP’s pressure, to the tune of 99% voters’ participation as in the past eleven elections that spanned sixty years (the last one was held on May 19, 2002), the VCP would continue to claim that its mandate to rule without any competition is validated by its overwhelming victory at the polls.
2/- Once the rubber-stamp National Assembly approves a constitutional amendment, a law or a decree (the way it really works is that the Ministry of Political Affairs, the Secretariat Party Committee and the Central Committee directed those to be prepared, put them on the legislative agenda of the National Assembly, instructed that body to go through the motion of soliciting innocuous input from the people, and then vote to pass those measures), the VCP will claim that the measure is an expression of the people’s will. All citizens will have to accept its legitimacy (including such laws as those that authorize the incarceration of tens of thousands in labor camps/re-education camps without trials, or seizure of property of six Churches and private citizens over the past sixty years). Anyone who meekly votes in the sham elections (a frequent occurrence in less developed countries ruled by a dictatorship) and subsequently complains about the totalitarian nature of their government would contradict one’s conscience because one’s own hand did cast the ballot, even intimated into doing so. Still how could one complain?
3/- If each citizen realized that his ballot supports this totalitarian rule over his family, compatriots, and Church, and if, overcoming his fear, he stopped this shell game, the rubber-stamp National Assembly would not be formed and the VCP would lose the justification for its grip on power.
4/- To the members of the National Assembly whose candidacy was sponsored by the VCP (were guaranteed to win):
® The party members who were chosen to run and got elected should feel shame for participating in a fraudulent and coercive enterprise because they know that a fair and free election is as different from this sham as night and day.
® Those who do not belong the VCP should feel remorse for their continuing servitude to the VCP in helping to perpetuate its deadly rule with shameful and disastrous consequences for the Nation.
® The elected “representatives of the Churches” should answer to their conscience and the Nation, the Churches’ faithful, and God, Buddha, or a Higher Being on two points:
- When did each representative’s Church nominate him/her as her representative?
- Did the representative falsely claim to be the voice of his Church in voting with the rest of the rubber-stamp National Assembly on Article 4 of the Constitution in 1992, i.e., claiming that the VCP is the sole legitimate ruling party; thereby approving of the land reform that claimed 400,000 victims; the war against South Vietnam that claimed millions of victims; the prosecution of citizens who owned businesses; the murderous Tết offensive of 1968; the 1993 law that is the basis for seizing the property of six Churches, their religious orders, and many private citizens; the 2004 Decree on Religious Affairs that justifies the VCP’s strangle hold on the Churches, and many other laws, regulations, and directives that have caused so much misery over the past sixty years? How could he live with his conscience when the whole world knows the truth? How could he claim to represent his Church?
5/- By continuing to petition the VCP and the government on some points, pro-democracy groups would simply prolong the lack of success seen over thirty years because of the passive nature of this approach. However, by boycotting the National Assembly elections, People’s Commissions elections, and other elections that will follow, we would seize the initiative and leave the VCP with no escape route. In 2001, I called on the VCP to disband itself although I knew that it was not yet time, because I intended to inform everyone of the VCP’s true worth while awakening as many of the party members as possible. Now we are in a better position for proactive action, but need a greater number of participants. Since the VCP’s 10th Congress is only six months away, pro-democracy forces in Vietnam and overseas should focus on delivering a lethal blow to the totalitarian regime’s vital point, the National Assembly elections.
6/- On October 17, 2005, the four of us issued the Appeal for Multi-Party Elections and Boycott of the 2007 single-party elections. Only a week later, a high-ranking officer from the Security Directorate in Hà Nội (we chose to withhold his name for now) met with me in a hotel in Huế from 9 a.m. until 11:20 a.m. on October 25, 2005. He apologized for the misdeeds perpetrated against me by the public security officers of District 3, Gò Vấp, Saigon (September 28, 2005), on account of their “lack of education and ethics” as evidenced by the “numerous difficulties they have been creating for citizens” (exact quote). The Security Directorate representative requested that I refrain from causing disturbances by raising the difficult issue of a multi-party system. I replied: “We want to present to the VCP’s Ministry of Political Affairs a tough and critical choice:
® The VCP can realize that the only honest way for it to maintain its rule for some time is to allow free and fair elections with international monitoring. The VCP is by far the largest party and has all the advantages of the ruling party. If it has been “ethical, competent and supported by the people” as its propaganda has maintained all these years, the VCP is bound to win. The pro-democracy groups would need much more time to build up their electoral strength in a political environment that would be best characterized as in transition, and not truly democratic. Those weak, fledgling parties would almost certainly lose the first multi-party election. Then there is no reason for the VCP to be ambivalent about such an election unless it is intent on monopolizing power.
® Or the VCP can continue to maintain its grip on power and suffer international criticism, hostility of the vast majority of the Vietnamese people, and go down in history as a scourge of the Nation. In this case, the VCP would “win by a landslide” and the National Assembly elections would “succeed beyond expectations” once again - as the government kept announcing at the conclusion of each of the past eleven elections. However, that National Assembly is nothing more than a cancerous and a decaying mass”.
The officer said: “I think what you said makes sense, but I will not be able to bring the Ministry of Political Affairs around. Please send a written request to the ministry. They would listen to you”. I replied: “The ministry received thousands of letters and petitions from high-level government offcials and pro-democracy activists. Although those documents have piled up a few meters high, the ministry has not done anything different. Why should I waste my time?”. The officer said: “I think that the ministry would study your request as soon as it is received because “even deaf men listen to reason” (his exact words). I said: “It is best that you go back to Hà Nội and propose to your superiors that they identify a theoretician with standing, someone who may be able to convince the Ministry of Political Affairs. When that person comes to Huế, I will share my thoughts with him so that he can go back to Hà Nội and hopefully convince the ministry that the governemnt ought to announce the advent of a multi-party system at the 10th Congress of the VCP, tentatively scheduled for April 2006. We propose this approach in the interest of maintaining peace and order. Otherwise we have no choice but continue to struggle and generate pressure. The erosion of the VCP’s standing cannot be blamed on us, but would be a result of the VCP’s choice”.
I reported my conversation with that officer virtually verbatim. That conversation is proof that boycotting the National Assembly Elections in 2007 is a most important move and it will have major effect. The Ministry of Political Affairs was very concerned after realizing that if only a part of the public, a number of prominent individuals, and a few leaders of religious organizations set the example and encourage others to boycott the 2007 elections, this could be a deadly strike at a vital point of the totalitarian Communist regime, a blow that the VCP has no counter for.
7/- As to the pro-democracy groups in Vietnam and elsewhere, they should be realistic and objective in assessing the effectiveness of broadcasting calls for the Communist regime to disband without making an effort to fight the VCP at the polls. To seize the initiative, we should boycott the National Assemblies elections so that we will be in a position to demand multi-party elections. This is the only peaceful and civilized path for the pro-democracy groups to finally participate in the building of the Nation if they are truly competent and ethical, and if the playing field is level.
8/- It is urgent that we stop weighing the merit of a boycott and start to help the people understand what it takes to hold free and fair elections, to inform the people about the crucial step of boycotting the VCP’s sham elections, and deliver the people from the fear of such activism. The people ought to know that if the candidates of their choice were not allowed to participate in a multi-party election with sufficient international monitoring, they ought to have the right to stay away from the polls. This would be the first step in the long and laborious process for bringing democracy to the Nation. “A country gets the government that it deserves”: we should be aware of this accurate observation.
Even if only 5% of the electorate participated in the boycott because we lack the means to mobilize everyone in a timely fashion, the elected candidates would know that not all the people believe in their legitimacy. They would realize even more quickly that the people's fear and lack of knowledge were what allowed this caricature of a National Assembly to exist. Even a small number of voters staying away from the polls would constitute a lethal blow to the regime.
The Diocese of Huế’s building, where the government confined me under its “restricted movement” order
November 22, 2005
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Prisoner of Conscience.
33. December 30, 2005 – Statement
Ten Necessary Conditions for the 2007 National Assembly Elections to be Multi-party, Free and Fair and to Avert a General Boycott
1/- The 10th Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) is scheduled to take place in mid-April 2006. If the VCP leadership made concrete, unambiguous announcements during the Congress and, after the Congress, created conditions that allow all political parties to function without any trace of hindrance, the Vietnamese people would be able to tell quickly if the VCP showed good will or not.
2/- At the conclusion of the Congress, the VCP ought to establish immediately a commission that would prepare for free and fair elections and whose first product would be a set of proposed laws aimed at forbidding interference with political parties, defining the electoral process, and ensuring the freedom of speech and expression, and equitable access to the media by all the parties.
3/- The parties should be allowed to open offices and their candidates should be guaranteed the right to travel freely to campaign; have access to electors; and to generate, transmit and receive political and electoral information messages without interference and censorship. In other words, the laws guaranteeing freedom of expression (including an independent press) and freedom of association must be in place before the campaigning begins. Furthermore, the government should release all the pro-democracy champions that were imprisoned and lift the "restricted movement" status placed on the others. The government's charges against all of them are devoid of merit.
4/- All the parties should have equitable access to radio, television and other media, and the VCP must not try to secure more than its fair share. The media must demonstrate that its reporting is equitable and balanced before the electoral process can start.
5/- The parties should have the same freedom to field candidates as the VCP had done in the past. On the other hand, the VCP’s satellite organizations such as the Communist Youth of Hồ Chí Minh City, the Vietnam Fatherland Front, the Women’s Association, the Veterans Association, the Farmers Association, the solidarity committees set up by the VCP to interfere with each religion's operations, and similar organizations must not be allowed to field candidates in addition to the VCP’s candidates. Those organizations were created by the VCP to implement its agenda. Therefore they must become truly independent entities before they are allowed to register as political parties and field candidates.
6/- The VCP may not use government-owned resources for campaigning, including public funds and government facilities and vehicles, or monopolize the media, including the substantial press consisting of over 600 newspapers and magazines that the VCP controls. Before free and fair elections can be held, the VCP must give up the advantages that it enjoys as an authoritarian ruling entity. The public security department and the armed forces must become apolitical in order to focus on their basic missions of maitaining peace and security, rather than being used by the ruling party for political ends. Members of the Communist Party who serve in either of those two institutions must renounce their party membership.
7/- Voters should be able to communicate freely with all the parties and their candidates in order to be able to choose wisely.
8/- There must be an entity charged with ensuring that the electoral process meets the standards of advanced countries and is recognized by the United Nations.
9/- The new electoral laws must include provision for impeaching elected officials who do not have the capability required of them or whose ethics are caused for concern.
10/- Finally, the election must be judged by the international monitors as credible.
If any of the ten conditions are not met, the pro-democracy parties and the people must persevere in boycotting all elections, whether multi-party or not. Unless all the conditions are met, no election can be truly free and fair.
34. February 20, 2006 - Appeal
APPEAL FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION. “WE ARE NO LONGER AFRAID. WE NEED TO KNOW THE TRUTH”
Dear Fellow Vietnamese in Vietnam and elsewhere,
As four Catholic priests who speak for a number of Catholic priests in Vietnam, we state the following:
1- Article 69 of the Constitution of 1992 of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam specifies that "Citizens have freedom of speech and freedom of the press; have the right to communicate their views, assemble, form associations, and participate in public demonstrations within the bounds set by the law."
2- Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 states that
“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."
3- Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966 (Vietnam became a party to it in 1982) states the following:
Ҥ1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
§2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.”.
4- For the Catholic Church, the Vatican II Council resulted in a 1963 decree, Decree on the Media of the Social Communications. This document states: “in society men have a right to information, in accord with the circumstances in each case, about matters concerning individuals or the community ” (No. 5); “ The public authority, in these matters, is bound by special responsibilities in view of the common good, to which these media are ordered. The same authority has, in virtue of its office, the duty of protecting and safeguarding true and just freedom of information, a freedom that is totally necessary for the welfare of contemporary society, especially when it is a question of freedom of the press.” (No.12); and in the Pastoral Constitution of 1965, the following was stated: “ within the limits of morality and the common utility, man can freely search for the truth, express his opinion and publish it; that he can practice any art he chooses: that finally, he can avail himself of true information concerning events of a public nature.” (No. 59).
5- The Communist Government of Vietnam used the words "within the bounds set by the law" to deny its citizens the freedom of speech and expression specified by the Constitution in Article 69. The government misused Article 19,3,b: "The right specified in 19,2 may be restricted in the interest of national security or public order, public health or morality" through continually interpreting national security as the security of its oppressive and guileful regime. In reality, the Communist Party, through the government, has total control of the media and publications. The entire apparatus is geared towards keeping the party in power, thus the media and literature have always been partial, deceitful and full of demagoguery. Any reasonable person knows that national security is only enhanced when the people has access to timely information, keeps abreast of world developments, has a broad perspective, and can discern nuances. Conversely, a policy directed at restraining the flow of information and spreading lies (as fascists advocate) would lead to a catastrophic national decline and sow confusion and unrest among the people.
6- After over sixty years of censorship, a few newspapers are trying to push against the bounds set by the government, but their numbers are still insignificant. Overall, the government has clamped down on the freedom of speech and expression during the past sixty some years, contrary to how it portrays itself in its propaganda material. Although modern information technology has enabled the people to be less fearful in intial attempts to assert their rights, the party's nature has not changed at all. For instance, the government's tight control of the internet is based less on concerns about morality than a desire to suppress information and opinions that are not consistent with its views. The government also bugs telephones; intercepts and reads citizens' mail; prevents the delivery of mail and electronic mail whose content it disapproves of; confiscates and destroys material generated or sent by pro-democracy dissidents; uses firewalls to block access to websites that disseminate factual information, denounce injustice, and demand political and religious freedom; harasses and arrests citizens who use the internet, particularly students and teachers. From 2004 on, whenever the government stages an attack on the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, it would jam the telephone reception of Buddhist priests and nuns. Additional examples are the arrests of Messrs. Nguyễn Vũ Bình and Phạm Hồng Sơn for their use of the internet in disseminating their position, the government's attack on the new website of the Democracy Movement for Vietnam, and the fine levied on the dissident Đỗ Nam Hải for making copies of his own work. More recently, on February 14, 2006, the government detained two citizens, Mr. Văn Sáu and Mr. Hoàng Trọng Châu (Bù Na Village, Phước Long District, Bình Phước Province) for possessing material on democracy, human rights and religious freedom.
7- The Communist Government's blocking of the free flow of information has perpetuated official abuse of power, graft, extortion, and fraud because the guilty cannot be easily prosecuted whereas the victims cannot easily defend themselves or ask for compensation. The lack of transparency has not allowed the revelation of corruption in the workplace such as promoting unworthy employees and not promoting or not hiring qualified workers. As a result, the government, educational system, and all the other systems that support society are hopelessly inefficient and underdeveloped. The level of sophistication of the public is not what it should be, the average standard of living is very low, and minor advances in some areas of the economy cannot compensate for the decline in critical areas. Unlike the years before 1985, the party can no longer block all information and radio broadcasts from abroad. Thus, it must try to create a domestic blackout of information on fundamental rights. Citizens who research this topic can only do so clandestinely in the hope of finding bits and pieces of information.
In view of this distressing situation, we, the four priests, formally request the following:
1- The government must implement the articles of the International Covenant and Vietnam's Constitution related to freedom of speech and expression, and cease to misuse decrees, orders, and resolutions to neutralize the Constitution, a deception that many have managed to see through.
2- The government must release unconditionally and immediately the pro-democracy dissidents Nguyễn Vũ Bình and Phạm Hồng Sơn, the innocent citizens Văn Sáu and Hoàng Trọng Châu, and cancel the fine that it unjustly imposed on the dissident Đỗ Nam Hải.
3- The government must deactivate the firewalls that block access to pro-democracy websites, follow a policy on the internet in the spirit of freedom of speech and expression, stop interfering with telephone lines, stop monitoring electronnic mail sent by people who did nothing more than hold different views on religion, politics and society.
4- The Communist Party must no longer rule by fear, treat the people like sheep that are subject to deceit, threat, extortion, imprisonment, physical abuse, and wanton prosecution, something that has taken place during the party's 76-year rule. The people are helping one another in getting rid of this multigenerational fear in order to say to the Communist Party's face: We are no longer afraid.
5- Church leaders and intellectuals should act consistently with your role as spiritual leaders and patriotic intelligentsia, and use your capabilities to disseminate the truth and present reason to your believers and the people, and debunk the myths perpeuated by the Communists.
6- All the people of Vietnam, including educators, students and youth, should exercise your freedom of speech and expression in a responsible, courageous and energetic fashion. Please say to the government: We must know the truth. In this information age when knowlege is highly valued, all the world's citizens, including those living in backward countries like ours, need to have access to the information hightways of the world. Please be bold in disseminating to people living in Vietnam: a) information that reveals the brutal and devious nature of Mr. Hồ Chí Minh and the Communist Party, following the example set by the resolution of December 1, 2005 by the European Parliament and Resolution No. 1481 of January 1, 2006 of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE); and, b) information that opens new horizons or reveals enduring values and concrete achievements of the world to our citizens who are being kept in total darkness by a totalitarian regime.
7- Overseas Vietnamese, governments of other countries, and international organizations should help in: a) neutralizing the Communists' firewalls and other internet controls through developing appropriate technology and demanding that the Communist Government of Vietnam respect freedom of expression and communication when it wants to collaborate or associate with the international community; b) disseminating to the people of Vietnam information and views on freedom and democracy, and show strong support for pro-democracy dissidents in order to accelerate the transition from Communist rule to democracy in an orderly and peaceful manner.
We are grateful to all of you. May the Lord who is Truth, Gooness and Beauty and who has created human beings with an innate urge to seek out and love truth, grant you His blessings, and grant peace and light to Vietnam.
Vietnam, February 20, 2006
For a number of Vietnamese Catholic priests,
Rev. Stephen Chân Tín, Rev. Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải,
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, and Rev. Peter Phan Văn Lợi
35. April 30, 200 -Advice
Profile of Today's Peace Warrior in Vietnam
People of good will all over the world and all Vietnamese in Vietnam and elsewhere who love their country are longing for the day when Communism is peacefully laid to rest forever, to make way for a new era of prosperity, peace, and morality. A contingent of "peace warriors" is necessary for this to happen. This author presents a sketch of the Peace Warrior's profile that is appropriate to the current situation in Vietnam.
1- The Peace Warrior has a spiritual life and feels humility: In this context peace is not the cessation of war, nor does it imply only the assurance of food, clothing, shelter, medical care, education, theaters, etc. First, peace means the state of mind of someone who is at peace with himself, feels kindness towards others, enjoys living in a society imbued with morality, and expriences communion with God, his Kind Father. The true Peace Warrior must know peace deep within himself first, and engage in meditation and prayers at least 30 to 60 minutes daily in order to converse with the Creator, examine oneself and repent if necessary. Without this prerequisite, it would be easy for the person to think that humans can strive for peace on their own and for him to resort too often to forceful means to achieve his goal. The painful experience of relying on weapons in trying to bring peace to Vietnam over the past 76 years has clearly illustrated that the forceful approach only creates disorder and war. What one needs is an approach based on the following hierarchy: God, Others and Oneself. Any other hierarchy would result in self-centered behavior that leads to failure.
The humility and spiritual depth of the Peace Warrior's life will help him weather all challenges, overcome all obstacles, recover from mistakes, and feel no fear, including the fear of his own weakness. A deeply spiritual life helps the warrior overcome the fear of torture, hunger, thirst, prison, oppression, libel and insults. The warrior fears only one thing, the possibility of doing something that is morally wrong. Hoewever, his capacity for repentance and recovering the spiritual link with God and the human race should help him be free of even this fear. In essence, the Peace Warrior fears nothing.
Relying on just one's human capacities is paramount to failing right at the starting block. One must humbly acknowledge one's limitations, the need for divine guidance and the support of the community. The more humble one is, the more qualified one can be as a peace warrior.
2- The Peace Warrior is just, pure and kind: One's collaborators and the public tend to watch closely how much one cares for the wellbeing of others and whether one maintains financial transparency. The peace warrior must maintain his integrity when making use of resources belonging to the community. He must realize that the resources belong to all humanity and must use carefully and share what is placed at his disposal. He must live simply and thriftily and be close to the poor. Otherwise he would simply be taking advantage of the poor during the struggle and quickly find ways to reward himself once the fight is over. He must view himself as a rain gutter that is designed to let water flow through, i.e., the gutter should be dry quickly without holding on to water. Besides material resources, the warrior must be scrupulous in dealing with vastly more valuable things such as honor, feelings, and language. Being fair and equitable in all respects is being pure from inside out as in the Chinese saying "Righteous thoughts, righteous views, righteous speech and righteous actions". Besides the quality of being just, one needs to be humane and civil. In accusing the Communists of being evil while one does not show that one is humane and civil, one is no better than the Communists, and may even be worse after one gains power. Clamoring for justice without being humane and civil would give rise to new injustice that destabilizes society. Kindness helps society achieve both justice and fairness and is key to happiness and peace, something that justice alone may not be able to bring about.
3- The Peace Warrior has made an accurate assessment of Communism and the Communist Government in Vietnam: Everyone has difficulty doing this, including intellectuals, religious leaders and the Communist leadership.
® How good or bad are Communism and its manifestation through the regime in Vietnam? What is the appropriate attitude towards them? Many people have not been able to arrive at an appropriate assessment after all several decades. Consequently, a number of individuals have made decisions that adversely affected themselves and the country. The various Churches did not escape this problem. Many Churches in Vietnam have not been able to act as torch bearing guides for a variety of reasons. The result is significantly weakened and compromised Churches that send a wrong message to their believers. Instead giving the highest priority to achieving a consensus assessment of Communism and Vietnam's Government, most religions were more concerned about their own wellbeing. Decisions made by individual religious leaders resulted in increasing collaboration with the government. Instead of doing the RIGHT THING, many focused only on GETTING THINGS DONE at the price of leaving a thoroughly undesirable legacy. Too many people, including some Church leaders, engage in gift-giving and whitewashing, participate at government-sponsored meetings that have no value and could be even harmful, make placating announcements, and write laudatory pieces in a shameless manner. They do it as if it was customary and there was no other way! They use terms like "liberation, puppet army, puppet government" liberally, oblivious to their parents, uncles, or friends who had sacrificed so much during two decades so that those Church leaders could study and practice their faiths.
® Today, many "intellectuals" and "prominent individuals" still have not come to a final assessment of the Communists and their value to our country despite ample evidence of the fundamental errors in the Communist doctrine and the magnitude of the crimes systematically perpetrated by Communist regimes during nearly fifty years. Resolution No. 1481 of January 25, 2006 of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (a body of 46 nations), showcased this finding. The Communist experience has revealed itself to be terrifying to the Vietnamese people!
® The Peace Warrior, using fact-based knowledge and information from different sources, would assess the situation in Vietnam as of today (2006), and use rational means to put an end to Communist rule in a peaceful and civilized manner (not resorting to strident accusations or insults), and help Vietnam transition towards a successful state patterned after the developed countries, particularly Northern European nations.
4- The Peace Warrior is peace-loving and kind at heart: The Peace Warrior harbors hatred towards no one. While he condemns dictatoship and criminal behavior, he empathizes and feels compassion towards the regime's employees. He admires genuine heroes who served the people while remaining empathetic towards everyone else. By being peace-loving and kind, one becomes stronger and unbeatable.
5- The Peace Warriour can use the internet: All totalitarian regimes, especially the Vietnamese Communists, strive to limit the flow of information and spread disinformation while attempting to instill fear in order to maintain their grip on power. Information and communications are the most effective weapons to help citizens overcome this multigenerational fear and come to a realistic assessment of the nation's state. From this point on, the people will know how to join forces and put an end to Communist rule. (See “How to Overcome Fear” , August 24, 2005, by Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý).
In this information age, the Peace Warrior must be proficient in the use of the internet, considering that it is the most effective weapon against which the Communist regime has few options. The Communists need to maintain contact with other nations and give the appearance of running a nation on its way to become developed. The Peace Warrior should rely on Articles 5,1; 5,2 and 19,2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; on Item I, 2 in Section II of the White Paper on Human Rights – Achievements in Protecting and Expanding Human Rights in Vietnam: "Vietnam's Government has the policy of encouraging and creating conditions for its citizens to access, take advantage of, and widely use information on the internet". Any restriction on the internet would contradict the White Paper unveiled by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Hà Nội on August 18, 2005, and the United Nations' International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of December 16, 1966. Vietnam became a UN member on September 24, 1982 and therefore a party to the covenant (Addendum No. 2).
6- The Peace Warrior follows a realistic plan under the aegis of an organization that is in tune with the country's situation: He should not be unrealistic or perfectionist, should not incite violence or commit acts of violence, should be decisive, should not be distrustful of other potential allies (i.e., fearing that all of them might be Communist decoys). While limiting his alliances to those who meet his pre-condition of renouncing Mr. Hồ Chí Minh and Communism, the Peace Warrior should trust a citizen when the person has realized the real effects of Communism and longs for a better future for the country. The organization that the Peace Warrior allies with may not be ideal, but he should be satisfied b if it shares his objective and is guided by a fairly acceptable leadership that is united, trustworthy and disciplined. Gradually such an organization will ally itself with others and form stronger entities that can begin the fight for the 26 basic human rights on behalf of all Vietnamese (Addendum No. 1).
7- Dealing with the Communist Government:
7.1- Public Security and other government personnel come to one's home (Step No. 1 in the government's attempt at harassment): Under Communism, a visit by government employees always cause anxiety. The Peace Warrior must follow these steps in handling such visits:
® The officials are carrying out the first phase of the government's oppression, namely contacting one to figure out what to do next. This is not yet the critical phase.
® The Peace Warrior should strive to neutralize this attempt at mental harassment through praying, remaining calm and civil, and being proactive in winning over the officials. The police state has had many years to refine its tactics used for controlling citizens and therefore one should be very methodical when dealing with its representatives.
® Try to listen instead of speaking in order to detect the visitors' real intention. Must never get excited or rebutt emotionally because anger causes one to make mistakes. Usually the officials do not believe that they have a good reason to harass citizens, and must resort to a circuitous approach before they reveal their focus. In letting the officials waste one's valuable time, one makes them feel guilty in their act of mental harassment so that one would have good cause for refusing to be subjected to such mental harassment the next time.
® Be calm and soft spoken while trying to avoid answering their questions directly. For example, express surprise and inquire how one's activities affect "national security". One's response should aim at making the officials spend more time in trying to come back to the issue. If one is forced to reply, one must find a way to discreetly veer from the topic to show that one is extremely tired from the fascist-like visit and let one's disgust of the regime show through and infiltrate the officials' own minds.
® Find all means to avoid the regime's offer "to help".
7.2- When receiving an "invitation" to meet them at their facilities (Step No. 2). The Peace Warrior should follow these steps:
® Quickly photocopy the invitation letter to keep as evidence of one's struggle. Either we do not bring the original with us when reporting to the public security offices or the People's Committee offices and claim that we forgot to bring it, or we bring it but keep a copy at home.
® All of us have business to attend to in our normal lives. If the invitation did not give us enough advance notice (must meet with them in the same afternoon or on the following day), we do not have to comply because we can claim justifiably that we must arrange with your employer or associates first. We need not worry too much because if they merely "invited" us, we may turn down the "invitation".
® Once we can guess at the real objective of the meeting, we may turn down the invitation. If we believe that going to the meeting will likely cause us more trouble, we should be more determined in not going. After three unsuccessful invitations, they may send us an order to show up.
® When going to the government facilities for a meeting, the Peace Warrior should view this as an opportunity to convince the authorities of one's views, and should not yearn to go home. The officials are even more impatient than we, and, furthermore, do not feel any pleasure in doing the thankless work assigned to them. They must do it just to keep their jobs. We must exercise self-control and listen as much as possible while avoiding saying anything or, if we must respond, we should be very brief. In exercising our freedom of speech and expression and in avoiding the use of violence, we do not commit any illegal act. The tyranny's laws, decrees and orders have no value if they violate international covenants and Vietnam's Constitution of 1992. Therefore we should pray silently while listening attentively to the arguments put forth by the officials. When necessary, we can politely point out any weak points in their arguments. We should be calm, poised, and gentle in using our righteous position to win over the officials.
® The officials will focus on obtaining evidence that can be used to prosecute us and our friends. Therefore, we should be alert in avoiding "traps" set by them by minimizing our responses. We should only inform them: "If we live in a civilized country, our government should comply with international covenants. If the government's laws and decrees are inconsistent with those covenants, the government is a totalitarian tyranny." In such an official meeting with a tyrannical regime's agents, we quietly accept their unjust treatment instead of arguing. There is no need of saying much.
® Refuse their order for us to write a "report" and refuse to sign citations that will be used to prosecute us.
7.3- When receiving an order to meet with the authorities (Step No. 3): When they issue an "order to show up for a meeting", they consider our case to be serious, thus requiring their investigating us and "educating" us. We should follow the method used to handle "invitations", particularly making a photocopy of each order that they send us.
® When complying with the order, the Peace Warrior must be even more watchful, i.e. use the golden weapon of silent prayer, be detached even at the risk of them accusing us of "contempt". The Peace Warrior never feels contempt towards anyone. He feels only empathy towards opponents and resorts to prayer and silence for self-defense and ultimately vanquishing tyranny.
® He uses the government's own words: “The people may engage in all activities that the law does not forbid whereas government officials may only engage in activities explicitly authorized by the law” in his defense and in showing that they overstep their authority.
7.4- They discontinue our means of communication such as telephone and internet (Step 4): We show that this "fascist-like" act is not effective in this day and age because many colleagues and friends can communicate on our behalf.
7.5- They search us, our home or office, and seize evidence or seal up our possesssions (Step 5) :
® Before letting them do the searching, we must ask to see the order, and keep that order so that we can file a complaint later.
® Only a female official may search a female Peace Warrior.
® We demand to have the same number of witnesses as the searchers of our homes and offices in order for each searcher to be watched by at least one of our friends. This would deter any attempt to steal or "plant" a document in our house or office.
® We demand the officials to make a complete list of the search results, no matter how long it takes.
®We denounce these fascist-like measures to the international community.
7.6. They detain us (Step No. 6):
® The Peace Warrior can show his determination and courage at this stage. We must stay calm while reminding ourselves that this is just normal business that a Peace Warrior expects to handle. We do not challenge or raise our voice or show fear becasue these reactions can be harmful to us. We must not be eager to be released or show sign that we are anxious to return to our jobs. We must not reveal mundane wants and needs in order to prevent them from using those to pressure us on important issues. At this stage, they refer to the Peace Warrior as the "suspect".
® We should eat and drink as usual when we are locked up. If we need to go on a hunger strike, it must last at least 30 days. We should drink some water whenever we feel hungry between normal mealtimes (approximately 9 a.m., 3 p.m. and 9 p.m.). Hunger strikes lasting only days are not helpful to our cause because the government will dismiss the significance of such small efforts. We only stop the hunger strike after our objective for the struggle has been met.
7.7. They beat, torture, use debasing techniques, tell us what to say, or force us to confess something (Step No. 7): The Criminal Code of 2003 forbids these meaures. If they still do to us any of the above, we should try to defend ourselves and warn them that we will denounce them to the international community.
7.8. They read the indictment (Step No. 8): They refer to the Peace Warrior as “the indicted party”. We should cover our ears so that we cannot hear the groundless accusations, such as "spreading information aimed at opposing the regime, opposing government policy, sabotaging solidarity, sowing public disorder, abusing democracy, abusing religion.". We are proud of the price that a Peace Warrior pays in order to serve his people and country, and look forward to assistance from the international community.
7.9. They try us at a court (Step No. 9): The Peace Warrior needs only to remain silent when participating in this comedy in order to show the world that the Communists' judiciary is no cleaner than mud, and that the defense attorney's job is turned into a farcical act.
7.10. They take us to a prison (Step No. 10): At this stage, they refer to the Peace Warrior as "convict”. We suffer with dignity as a prisoner of conscience without accepting the "convict" label. In prison, we get rice and vegetables only. Additional food can be supplied by family members or the other prisoners can share some of their food so that we need not be too concerned about malnutrition. We must not look forward to the government's reducing the sentence. The Peace Warrior's sentence is not going to be very long because we do not incite violent acts and do not commit such acts.
7.11. They force us to write a self-assessment, promising to reduce the sentence or even to release us (Step No. 11): They force the Peace Warrior to write a self-assessment once every three months while in prison to show that he is being "re-educated". It is easy to self-assess with respect to Items No. 2, 3 and 4 dealing with behavior, reading newspapers and magazines, and prison work. Item 1 is thorny because the regime wants us to confess. If we do not confess to their charges, they will put us in solitary confinement, special detention, forbid visits from friends and relatives, forbid us from receiving letters and gifts, and tell us to expect no reduction in our sentence. If the Peace Warrior confesses to crimes that he is wrongly accused of, he would do so against his conscience. Therefore he should write the self-assessment in accordance with his conscience, based on the specific charge. He must never confess to espionage, violent acts of rebellion, and similar acts. He can confess to a number of charges without losing his dignity or giving in to the regime by using intelligent wording like "For the honor of the government, I agree to serve the sentence". When South Vietnam's formerr government employees and military officers were put in re-education camps soon after 1975, the majority of those prisoners wrote "I follow the re-education path with peace of mind", meaning that they decided to reform themselves without planning to escape. The best route for the Peace Warrior to take is to serve out his sentence while hoping for the international community to intercede, and try his best to gain the respect of prison officials and fellow prisoners.
7.12. They try to impose additional constraints on us after we are released from prison (Step No. 12): Usually the Release Paper does not show additional restrictions. However, a former political prisoner is frequently subject to restrictions imposed by local authorities when he reports to them after his release. The Peace Warrior should know how to deal with the local government as soon as he comes home. He should refuse to comply with baseless constraints such as "must report monthly, seek permission before traveling outside the village, etc". The local government tends to leave us in peace once we show our decisiveness because they do not have the means to force us to comply with such unjustified restraints.
We resume our struggle after going through all the above.
We wish you success in your mission of restoring democracy and freedom to our people and country. Goodbye to all the Peace Warriors of Vietnam.
Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý, Prisoner of Conscience
Huế, April 30, 2006
36. March 2, 2007
Clarification Issued by the NGUYỄN KIM ĐIỀN Group of Catholic Priests
Fellow Vietnamese in Vietnam and elsewhere,
Governments and National Assemblies or Parliaments of democratic nations,
International human rights organizations,
The press and all other media in all countries,
On February 17, 2007 (the first day of the Lunar New Year Đinh Hợi in Vietnam), the Communist Government of Vietnam conducted a raid on pro-democracy dissidents in the City of Huế, disregarding the meaning of the national holiday for the main objective of arresting Rev. Thaddeus Nguyễn Văn Lý and confining him to the Archdiocesal Compound in Huế and subsequenlty the Bến Củi Parish Building. The Communist Party also initiated a media campaign using the nation's newspapers, radio stations, television stations, the internet, and other means (all are under the Party's control) to paint Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý as a political agitator. In political workshops that the Party forces citizens and students to attend, they also spread this false accusation, namely, Rev. Lý engaged in political activities aimed at opposing the regime. They claimed that he "created, stored, distributed material that is critical of the Communist Government", particularly he "founded a party, the Vietnam Progress Party, and led the development of the party's platform and rules", and "directed the Vietnam Progress Party in its alliance with an overseas anti-government party, the For the People Party, to form the Lạc Hồng Alliance" (www.nhandan.com.vn/tinbai: “Chặn đứng âm mưu của Nguyễn Văn Lý và đồng bọn chống phá Nhà nước Cộng hòa XHCN Việt Nam” 26-02-2007).
Based on these accusations, rumors began to circulate widely about Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý's blatantly political activities in violation of his priestly mission.
To counter the baseless distortion of facts by the Communist Government, we cite the following:
1- “Appeal for the right of political parties in Vietnam in 2006” issued on April 6, 2006 by Rev. Chân Tín, Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Nguyễn Văn Lý and Phan Văn Lợi (representing many other citizens), whose introductory sentences are: “Together with countless others who are fighting for democracy, we the Undersigned, as the representatives of hundreds of pro-democracy dissidents in Vietnam, declare on behalf of all Vietnamese in Vietnam and elsewhere: the Nation has been at risk on account of a totalitarian regime, the Communist Party. In raising our voices, we aim to encourage political activities for the benefit of the people and the country, and the defense of all human rights and civil rights that a genuinely democratic government must foster and protect. The right to form political parties and for such parties to function is one of those rights..."
2- “Statement on the demand for democracy for Vietnam” issued on October 24, -2006 by Rev. Chân Tín, Nguyễn Hữu Giải, Nguyễn Văn Lý and Phan Văn Lợi, whose introductory sentences are: “As Catholic priests, we may not and do not want to engage in political activities in the sense of forming or joining an armed group or forming or joining a political party with the objective of contesting the power of the governing entity or joining it. However, as human beings, citizens, and priests, it is our duty to state our political views on account of the grave threats to Vietnam, threats that are almost beyond any counter-measure...”
We offer the following clarifications:
1- Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý has never engaged in party politics, ị.e., has not formed or joined a party or alliance of parties in violation of his priestly mission and regulations of the Catholic Church.
2- Rev. Nguyễn Văn Lý only exercises a citizen's political rights, i.e., basic rights such as publishing an independent newspaper, demanding free and fair elections for the people, encouraging the formation and fucntioning of political parties that do not rely on violence in order to end the one-party totalitarian rule that has ignored all the human rights (freedom of expression, association, forming parties, fair elections, and particularly religious freedom) in Vietnam for over a half-century.
Please beware of the Vietnamese Communists' defamation and libeling tactics so that you can correctly judge Rev.Nguyễn Văn Lý's non-violent struggle for democracy as well as our struggle for democracy.
Huế, March 2, 2007
- Rev. Stephen Chân Tín
- Rev. Peter Nguyễn Hữu Giải
- Rev. Peter Phan Văn Lợi
Interview with Thich Quang Do (85)
“My body may be imprisoned, but my spirit is free...”
An exclusive interview with the Vietnamese Buddhist leader Thích Quảng Độ(85)
The Vietnamese Buddhist patriarch Thích Quảng Độ has been promoting religious freedom, in a peaceful manner, for more than fifty years. However, he has paid a heavy price for his action: a prisoner for most of his life either in concentration camps, in exile, or under house arrest. “My body may be imprisoned, but my spirit is free...” he says in an exclusive interview. The manner in which this interview had to be conducted illustrates a shocking and sobering picture of the totalitarian communist regime in Vietnam.
Koenraad Dewolf
❡ “Would it be possible to interview Thích Quảng Độ?” I knew my proposal seemed somewhat unrealistic. The Patriarch of the illegal Unified Buddhist Sangha (or ‘Church’) of Vietnam (UBCV), has suffered persecution for many years. Why? Because in a country that has a population with an overall Buddhist majority, his movement is seen by the ruling communist class as a dangerous threat. “Why not?” answered Sam, our fellow companion at the dining table in a restaurant on the third floor with a panoramic view of Saigon by night. I nearly choked on my soup. Sam is a nickname, because I cannot reveal his identity. Vietnam still lives with the rule of the three generations: whoever acts openly against the regime, will not only endanger his or her own safety and future, but also that of the parents, spouse and children. They will be excluded from school, lose their job, or be denied access to medical aid. That is the reality, which is in direct opposition to the policy of the regime to obtain a positive image for the country, in order to attract as many foreign investors and tourists as possible. “We Vietnamese have, as a people, become schizophrenic” said Sam. “Nobody dares to say what his real thoughts are. Everybody has two faces. A foreigner sees only the omnipresent police. But even in Saigon, a metropolis with some 12 million inhabitants, everybody is under surveillance. And the repression is increasing more and more. The Secret Police now counts for a mere 1,2 million employees!”
Astonished, even flabbergasted, I repeated my question: “How does one get to Thích Quảng Độ? Can one make an appointment with the leader of the most important opposition movement in Vietnam?” Sam laughed: “Never attempt to do such thing. Recently we had all the fuss when it was leaked about how the United States had been tapping the telephones of West European leaders for a very long time. That is also the case in Vietnam: each and every telephone call is recorded and can be traced. Sam sees my amazement. “However, it is still possible to speak Thích Quảng Độ, but only if you follow the appropriate procedure. No Western journalist or politician has ever managed to speak with the Buddhist leader because they went about it in the wrong way.” “What then, should I do?” “Enter the Temple just like every other interested tourist would do, then try to fix an appointment with the monk whom you will find behind a little door on the left-hand side.
❡ The next morning a taxi stops on the broad boulevard Nguyen Van Troi near Tran Huy Lieu street. Traffic is very hectic as it passes through one of the busiest access roads to the town. It is not so much bicycles and cars that are causing a nuisance, but the six or perhaps seven million mopeds honking and hooting as they swerve in all directions. Deafening! On the right-hand side of the boulevard we see the little Buddhist Temple complex, Than Minh Zen, the residence of Thích Quảng Độ. It is partially concealed by other adjacent buildings. To the left and right of the Temple, guards in green uniform are on duty. Sam had told us: “Police in plain clothes are permanently present in the café in front of the Temple.” Indeed, early in the morning there are already many customers. We walk by casually and then return a little later as if we have discovered something of interest. My wife takes a few pictures of the Temple from the street and in the interior courtyard I point to the seven floor high pagoda. We take off our shoes and enter the Temple. There is nobody inside. To the left there is, indeed, a little door and on looking through the small glass window, I see a monk swinging slowly in a hammock. I knock on the door. Startled by the noise, the monk approaches quickly. I give him a letter with the text in English: ‘I am Koenraad De Wolf, an historian from Belgium. I would like to meet the Venerable Thích Quảng Độ. (More information about me on my website www.koenraaddewolf.be).’
❡The monk does not understand one word of my text, but takes us to a building next to the interior courtyard, where an elderly nun takes care of us. Fortunately, she understands English and obviously takes us into her confidence. “Sit down” she says and offers us some magazines: “Here, read these...” As far as I can see, it is the journal of the official Buddhist Church — the government sponsored but not popular counterpart of the UBCV — that I am holding in my hands. A few minutes later a member of the Secret Police descends on us. A discussion in Vietnamese takes place in which, of course, I cannot take part. A few times he points in our direction, but I direct all my attention to the article in the magazine about the death of the 102 year old general, Vo Nguyen Giap, the military strategist of the communists who defeated first the French colonial force and later the United States Army. A short while later the Secret Agent steps outside. The nun trots back and forth and then provides us with tea, whilst continuously watching the interior courtyard. “I don’t know if it will be possible” she says nervously. “Be patient”. Later she makes a telephone call, holding my letter in her hand. “It will probably succeed.” A big smile appears on her face: “At eleven o’clock a meal will be taken to the Venerable and you will be able to accompany it upstairs. Meanwhile continue with your reading...” Half an hour later a courier arrives with the meal which is packed in a plastic bag. The nun gives us a sign to follow him immediately. A very high iron barrier is pushed open. We follow the man up the steep stairs to the first floor and we wait in a reception room.
❡Shortly later the man that I knew only from pictures quietly enters the room. We bow according to the Eastern tradition and he shakes our hands firmly. “It is a great pleasure to meet you” Thích Quảng Độ says with a disarming smile. “Excuse me for my poor English, but I will try to answer your questions.”
“Is the only person you see in a day,
the man who brings you your meal?”
“Many months have, indeed, passed since I had a visitor, and certainly foreigners are not seen in this house. Over the last years the number of visitors has decreased. The Temple is now under surveillance day and night. The police and the Secret Police do not allow anybody to enter, with the exception of devotees, and the Temple is closed during our Buddhist festivals. The only aim that the Communists have is to isolate me completely.” He suddenly starts laughing. “I’m living here as if in a prison. My body may be imprisoned, but my spirit is free. It will never be possible for them to imprison my spirit...”
“Do you ever leave this house?”
“Only once every three months. Then I go to the hospital for a medical check. For years my blood pressure has been too high, and for ten years I have suffered from diabetes. The sight of my left eye is affected, but every day I take insulin and I pay attention to what I eat. Every time I want to pay a visit to the doctor, I have to ask for permission from the government. I am always accompanied by a patrol of policemen who remain on guard in the hallway.” He again bursts into laughter: “They want to be sure that the round trip takes place in complete safety and that nothing happens to me at the hospital. If they could, they would even attend the consultation with the doctor.”
“How do you cope with this lifelong isolation?”
“In fact, that is not a problem. I do not feel at all the desire to go outside. I walk with difficulty and my sight has diminished. What could I do outside in the streets? There is too much traffic. Even here you can hear the noise. All I need I can find in the two rooms next door. One room is for sleeping, in the other I have my books and a little house altar. During the day I pray a lot or am writing or translating texts. Each night I meditate for two hours. It is quiet at night because there is not so much traffic. Unlike many other elderly people, with the coming of age, I do not need more but less sleep.” He smiles at us. “My mind is very calm. You know, in fact I am one of the happiest persons in the world. And that is thanks to the Communists.” Again a loud laugh fills the room: “I ought to be very grateful to them.”
“That needs some explanation.”
“In the ‘re-education camps’ where I was imprisoned for nine years, daily life centred around food, or rather around the shortage of it. Everybody was permanently hungry. So the Communists taught me to live in great sobriety. I have only one meal per day. Later, for ten years, I lived in solitary exile in a small Buddhist monastery in the midst of the fields near the village Vu Doai. It was there that I translated from Taiwanese, and completed, the ‘Great Dictionary of Buddhist terminology’, a 6-volume, encyclopaedia of contemporary Buddhist terms.” Thích Quảng Độ goes to his room and comes back, his arms heavily laden with his 8,000-page ‘Magnum Opus’ and, with obvious pride, he glances through the books. “The greatest wish of the Communists was that I would have stayed for ever in Vu Doai. But when I had served the term of my sentence, I came back to my home base, the Than Minh Zenmonastery here in Saigon.”
“Has your encyclopaedia been published in Vietnam?”
“What do you think? Of course not. All texts were smuggled abroad and the books were published in the United States. Later on this also happened with my other writings, e.g. with hundreds of poems that I wrote in captivity — with neither pen nor ink - and which I learned by heart. Up to now, no text of mine has been published in Vietnam. Just recently a text was smuggled abroad.”
“In the 1960s, you were one of the leaders of the peaceful opposition to
the regime of the Catholic President, Ngo Ding Diem. Can you compare
what happened half a century ago with the situation of today?”
“Due to the systematic discrimination of the Buddhists, the 1960s began at a very unsettled period. I was arrested and tortured. I had to undergo lung surgery due to a tuberculosis infection that I contracted in prison. After the murder of President Diem in 1963 the situation of the Buddhists did not ameliorate and, therefore, a year later the United Buddhist Church of Vietnam, the UBCV, was founded. During the ensuing years the situation remained very tense, but in South-Vietnam, in spite of all its troubles, there existed some freedom, even for the press. With the communist regime change in 1975 the freedom of the press was completely silenced. Since then we live in a totalitarian society.”
In 1975 you told The Voice of America:
“we will never become the slaves of the communist party.”
“These words still hold. The Communists have tried all possible means to make us collaborate with their regime. We have never complied with that and never will we accept it.”
“You are still one of the most influent critics of the regime.
Where do you get your information?”
“Every day on the short wave I listen to the news on BBC Radio, Radio France Internationale and Radio Free Asia. I barely read or listen to the Vietnamese media. They offer such a biased view of the situation, e.g. the recent death of Vo Nguyen Giap. Once again patriotism was running rampant. But no word was heard about how sharply Giap had criticized the biggest environmental scandal of recent years: how bauxite is exploited by the Chinese in the central highlands.”
“You are not happy with the important Chinese influence
in Vietnam and Indochina. Why?”
“They are really damaging the environment and the consequences of that huge damage are unforeseeable. Enormous expanses of the jungle are destroyed forever and water pollution is already threatening the whole of the Mekong Delta. The fact that this mining operation is still going on in spite of all protests, illustrates how much Vietnam is dancing to the tune of China.”
“How do you see the future?”
“Fundamental changes ought to be made. This regime cannot hold out because internal dissent is increasing. For years I have pleaded for the introduction of a democracy with the participation of more than one party, and for free and honest elections. I do hope this will happen before I die.”
❡The courier is already waiting impatiently in the hall. We have been talking for three quarters of an hour and it is time to go. We take leave of a deeply affected Thích Quảng Độ.
Again there follows a firm handshake. When I look back at him in the hall, I see a sparkle in his eyes. He radiates happiness, but that feeling is ours, too. Downstairs we retrieve our shoes. Whilst putting them on, the shutters are closed again. The nun who organized it all seems happy. My wife asks worriedly: “Will there be any problems when we leave?’ The nun shakes her head: “Since when is reading magazines forbidden?” and she gives me a knowing wink. In the interior courtyard the nun orders the courier to re-open the entrance to the Temple. Only now I understand that this intervention was a way to prevent, what I did fear during the interview, that the police or Secret Service would enter and bring an end to our conversation.
We walk outside and take the first passing taxi. “To Notre-Dame”, I say. Ten minutes later we are standing on the huge square in front of the cathedral. We walk to the other side, where the Central Post Office stands, a building by the French architect Auguste Eiffel. My wife says: “Someone is taking pictures of us.” I do not look back in order not to arouse suspicion. But a few minutes later I return and shoot some pictures, first of the cathedral and then of the post office, at the same time zooming in on our persecutor. My wife visits a few shops inside the post office while I peek outside through the window. The man is now standing at the other side of the square from where he is looking at the entrance of the post office. Leaving the post office, we walk straight at him. Without looking up, he becomes completely immersed in some reading. My wife takes some pictures of female shopkeepers with their Pho’soup, the national dish of Vietnam, and at the same time she includes a picture of ... our man. A short time later I see him passing by on his moped. He is subsequently then present at all our following stops. “I have the impression that, just as it was the case with Thích Quảng Độ, our safety is guaranteed” I say jokingly, but my wife feels less at ease.
❡We pay a visit to the War Museum, which is situated at the intersection of two roads. We enter by the main entrance and leave by a side exit. As expected, the man is guarding the principal entrance. He is terrified when he sees us coming from the other side and, quite literally, jumps behind an electrical substation. Ten steps further we stand still. Now his ‘detective work’ becomes worthy of a scene for a slapstick comedy. His head appears to the left side and then at the right side of the substation. When we walk in his direction, he jumps on his moped and vanishes into the heavy traffic.
e
Without any doubt there must now be an extensive file on us with the Vietnamese Secret Service. Probably I will never again get a visa in order to visit that country. But that is the least of my regrets. I achieved my goal: I met this religious world leader. And for that I needed to rectify the image I had previously formed of that person. Thích Quảng Độ is, indeed, a very spiritual man, but he is also razor-sharp in his observance of what happens in his country. I am most impressed by his sense of humour. He is laughing in the face of the regime that has now deprived him of any form of freedom for thirty-seven years because he knows, without pretension, that intellectually as well as spiritually he is far superior to them. The complete isolation which is still used by the Communists as a means to break him does not affect him. I am not a Buddhist, but I understand perfectly what the state of nirvana means. No one will ever take that experience away from me.
I
❧
Promoting religious freedom and democracy in a peaceful way
The Buddhist Patriarch, Thích Quảng Độ, is an influential intellectual, who is recognized worldwide for his peaceful promotion of religious freedom, human rights and democracy. Again this year — for the tenth time — he is a Nobel Peace Prize nominee. Below is a synopsis of his biography.
Đặng Phúc Tuệ was born on November 27, 1928 in the village of Thangh Chau in the Thai Binh province of North Vietnam. At the age of fourteen he became a Buddhist monk and took the name of Thích Quảng Độ. In 1945, aged seventeen, he witnessed his religious master executed by a communist People’s Tribunal. “It was then that I decided to dedicate my life to the fight against fanaticism and for justice; a struggle that is consistent with the Buddhist doctrine of non-violence and tolerance.” An outstanding student of Buddhism and Indian philosophy, Thích Quảng Độ worked as a research fellow at several universities in Sri Lanka and India between 1951 and 1957. Up until 1975 he was teaching Oriental Philosophy and Buddhist Studies at the Buddhist universities in Saigon and in Can Tho. In 1971-1972 he taught Buddhist studies at the Pontifical Institute of St. Pius X in Da Lat (South Vietnam). He published many books, including novels, poetry, translations and studies on Vietnamese Buddhism.
After the communist takeover, he opposed religious oppression in a peaceful way, and pleaded for the release of the many thousands of arrested faithful. On the night of 20th August 1963, he was arrested in a massive Police sweep launched by the Diem government in Hue and Saigon. Thích Quảng Độ was brutally tortured. After the fall of the Diem regime on 1st November, he was released. He suffered from tuberculosis and was sent to Japan in 1966 for a lung operation. His recovery provided an opportunity for travelling and studying in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Thailand and Burma. In 1977 he was once again arrested and served twenty months in a re-education camp. It was at this period he was first nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
In 1981 the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam (UBCV), of which Thích Quảng Độ was the co-founder and the spokesman, was outlawed and dismantled by the communist regime. UBCV Secretary-general, Thích Quảng Độ, was sentenced to ten years of internal exile in the remote Thai Binh Province (northern Vietnam). When in 1994 he began reorganizing the UBCV’s activities, the very first public action was to mount a rescue operation for victims of a disastrous flooding of the Mekong Delta. Police intercepted the convoy and arrested the organizers. Thích Quảng Độ was put on trial and sentenced to five years imprisonment. He was jailed inside B14, which was the most infamous of the prison camps. He was released in 1998 as a result of international pressure.
In 1999 Thích Quảng Độ was appointed second in command of the UBCV, and after the death of Thích Huyen Quảng he became ‘Patriarch’ of the underground Buddhist church in 2008. “You have left us for ever, but the peaceful combat continues and we will not cease until we win back the freedom of religious activities stolen from us by the communist regime in 1975,” he said at the funeral of his predecessor.
Meanwhile Thích Quảng Độ was, for many years, an enthusiastic champion of respect for human rights and of democracy. When, in 2001, he launched his appeal “Eight Points of Action for Democracy in Vietnam” he was again taken into custody, and since 2003 he has lived under house arrest at the Than Minh Zen Temple complex in Saigon.
In 2013, for the tenth time, the UBCV Patriarch was a nominee for the Nobel Peace Prize. Together with — among others — Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi he figures in the list of the “15 Champions of World Democracy’. He laughs at these forms of recognition: “They do not disturb my sleep. Their significance is relative. Your titles are not important: only what you do.” (KDW.)